Urartian Bull's Head Spout

Urartian Bull's Head Spout



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Parthian Empire

The Parthian Empire ( / ˈ p ɑːr θ i ən / ), also known as the Arsacid Empire ( / ˈ ɑːr s ə s ɪ d / ), [10] was a major Iranian political and cultural power in ancient Iran from 247 BC to 224 AD. [11] Its latter name comes from its founder, Arsaces I, [12] who led the Parni tribe in conquering the region of Parthia [13] in Iran's northeast, then a satrapy (province) under Andragoras, in rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. Mithridates I (r. c. 171–132 BC) greatly expanded the empire by seizing Media and Mesopotamia from the Seleucids. At its height, the Parthian Empire stretched from the northern reaches of the Euphrates, in what is now central-eastern Turkey, to present-day Afghanistan and western Pakistan. The empire, located on the Silk Road trade route between the Roman Empire in the Mediterranean Basin and the Han dynasty of China, became a center of trade and commerce.

The Parthians largely adopted the art, architecture, religious beliefs, and royal insignia of their culturally heterogeneous empire, which encompassed Persian, Hellenistic, and regional cultures. For about the first half of its existence, the Arsacid court adopted elements of Greek culture, though it eventually saw a gradual revival of Iranian traditions. The Arsacid rulers were titled the "King of Kings", as a claim to be the heirs to the Achaemenid Empire indeed, they accepted many local kings as vassals where the Achaemenids would have had centrally appointed, albeit largely autonomous, satraps. The court did appoint a small number of satraps, largely outside Iran, but these satrapies were smaller and less powerful than the Achaemenid potentates. With the expansion of Arsacid power, the seat of central government shifted from Nisa to Ctesiphon along the Tigris (south of modern Baghdad, Iraq), although several other sites also served as capitals.

The earliest enemies of the Parthians were the Seleucids in the west and the Scythians in the north. However, as Parthia expanded westward, they came into conflict with the Kingdom of Armenia, and eventually the late Roman Republic. Rome and Parthia competed with each other to establish the kings of Armenia as their subordinate clients. The Parthians destroyed the army of Marcus Licinius Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC, and in 40–39 BC, Parthian forces captured the whole of the Levant except Tyre from the Romans. However, Mark Antony led a counterattack against Parthia, although his successes were generally achieved in his absence, under the leadership of his lieutenant Ventidius. Various Roman emperors or their appointed generals invaded Mesopotamia in the course of the ensuing Roman–Parthian Wars of the next few centuries. The Romans captured the cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon on multiple occasions during these conflicts, but were never able to hold on to them. Frequent civil wars between Parthian contenders to the throne proved more dangerous to the Empire's stability than foreign invasion, and Parthian power evaporated when Ardashir I, ruler of Istakhr in Persis, revolted against the Arsacids and killed their last ruler, Artabanus IV, in 224 AD. Ardashir established the Sasanian Empire, which ruled Iran and much of the Near East until the Muslim conquests of the 7th century AD, although the Arsacid dynasty lived on through branches of the family that ruled Armenia, Iberia, and Albania in the Caucasus.

Native Parthian sources, written in Parthian, Greek and other languages, are scarce when compared to Sasanian and even earlier Achaemenid sources. Aside from scattered cuneiform tablets, fragmentary ostraca, rock inscriptions, drachma coins, and the chance survival of some parchment documents, much of Parthian history is only known through external sources. These include mainly Greek and Roman histories, but also Chinese histories, prompted by the Han Chinese desire to form alliances against the Xiongnu. [14] Parthian artwork is viewed by historians as a valid source for understanding aspects of society and culture that are otherwise absent in textual sources.


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For photographs, permission to publish, and information, I am indebted to the following:

The National Museum of Athens (Mrs Karouzou, Miss Philippaki), Professor Homer Thompson, Professor J. L. Benson, Mrs Evelyn Lord Smithson, The German Archaeological Institute at Athens (Dr Ohly, Dr Gerhard Neumann), Miss Perlzweig, The Trustees of the British Museum (Mr Denys Haynes), The Direktion of Antiken Sammlungen at Munich (Professor Dr L. H. Heydenreich), The Syndics of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (Mr Richard Nicholls, Mr Rayner), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Mr Brian Cook).

I am particularly indebted to Mr John Boardman for his invaluable help and guidance throughout and for many references, and to Mr J. N. Coldstream for kindly checking and correcting some of my lists. I also wish to thank Miss Sylvia Benton and the Rev. V. E. G. Kenna for references and suggestions.

1 For further convenience I have been tempted to call all these handle-formations boucrania, but have reluctantly resisted. In general the term is taken to describe not a bull's head but a horned bull's skull, whether used as a decorative motif, or as a feature in a temple or shrine, e.g. Beazley , , JHS lix ( 1939 ) 36 ff.Google Scholar The complete head, and the horned skull, were treated as distinct hieroglyphic signs by Sir Evans , Arthur , Scripta Minoa , 196 .Google Scholar Napp , , however, Bukranion und Guirlande 4 Google Scholar , includes a ‘complete’ bull's head in his three categories of boucrania (for an example see Altertümer von Pergamon Bd ii pl. 30) and V. E. G. Kenna uses the term of a fairly complete-looking ox head on a late Minoan gem in the Ashmolean, K 356 (Cretan Seals 139), defending this on the grounds of the talismanic character of this seal, the ox head being a symbol rather than a representation of a head. The ancient meaning is not very clear. Et. Magn. 207.55.

2 Ohnefalsch-Richter , in Kypros, Die Bibel und Homer 36 Google Scholar , describes the handles of the Tamassos vase (BM C736) as consisting of a bull or calf's head. In the BM Catalogue of 1912 they are assigned to a moufflon. Myres , ( Handbook to Cesnola 51 , no. 403)Google Scholar with reference to such handles on a Cypriote vase of the early post-Mycenaean period suggests an ibex.

3 The creature on the Ashmolean pot fragment from Geoi Tepe must be a goat or ram: Burton-Brown , Excavations in Azerbaijan pl. xiv no. 25, 156Google Scholar from Period A, representing his top level, where the pottery is said to be relatable to the wares of the beginning of the Iron Age in other lands. Pl. xiii no. 23, 156 shows a very summary rendering on a small ‘ala-bastron’ placed near the rim, and scarcely a handle, since the horns are not detached. Both these are compared to the bull's-head handles on the Warrior Vase, op. cit. 165. Pl. x no. 1045, 98 from Period D, a fragmentary pithos, has a similar very stylized version high up near the rim.

4 Mackenzie , in BSA xiii ( 1906 – 1907 ) 433 Google Scholar draws attention to this. I note that in some very recent publications the terms ‘ram's-head’ and ‘goat's-head’ are used of our handles.

5 Marinatos , , Crete and Mycenae , pl. 89 Google Scholar dated LM I about 1530 B.C. The other JHS Archaeological Reports 1962–63 32 fig. 35, from an LM I B context.

Since completing my text I have become aware of a sherd from a large deep vase, of EH III date, on which is crudely modelled a ram's head, having the widely arched horns marked with deep slanting incisions, as if to suggest twisted horns: a non-functional handle. The excavator has described this sherd as unique see Mylonas , G. , Aghios Kosmas , fig. 143, no. 510 and pp. 79 and 126.Google Scholar

6 The shape of the Warrior Vase is not common till near the end of the Mycenaean period. Fragments of similar kraters have been found and a few nearly complete specimens, but no double handles. See Broneer , Oscar Hesp. viii ( 1939 ) 351 ff. and n. 28Google Scholar Hesp. ii (1933) 369 f. 42.


Noa, zemljoradnik, zasadio vinograd

Sweet new wine, must, sweetness

Korablja se zaustavi na brdima Ararata.. Noa, zemljoradnik, zasadio vinograd. (21) Napio se vina i opio, pa se otkrio nasred šatora.

Current evidence suggests that wine originated in the Caucasus Mountains. This mountain range spans from Armenia through Azerbaijan, Georgia, northern Iran, and eastern Turkey, and contains some of the highest peaks in Europe. The ancient wine production evidence dates from between 8000 B.C. and 4100 B.C., and includes an ancient winery site in Armenia, grape residue found in clay jars in Georgia, and signs of grape domestication in eastern Turkey. The people who made the first wines were of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture. They were a people of the Stone Age who used obsidian for tools, raised cattle and pigs, and most importantly, grew grapes.

The oldest known winery (4100 B.C.) is located among a group of caves outside the Armenian village of Areni. The village is still known for winemaking and makes red wines with a local grape also called Areni. Areni is thought to be quite old, but whether or not it is actually the world&rsquos first grape has yet to be determined.


We have the civilizations of Greece and Phoenicia to thank for the spreading of wine grapes throughout Europe.

From Caucasus, wine grapes have followed human civilization as it expanded southward and westward and into the Mediterranean. These sea-fairing civilizations of the Phoenicians and Greeks were the most responsible for the spread of wine throughout Western Europe. With each new region that was planted, the grapes slowly mutated and adapted to their unique environments. This slow divergence over thousands of years is what created the incredible diversity of over the 1300 identified wine varieties we have today.


There are 1368 identified wine varieties included in Wine Grapes (2012). Diversity appears to increase in areas like Italy (ancient Rome) and France, where wine has been an important facet of the culture.


Tuesday, February 16, 2021

Pre-Achaemenid art: Neo-Assyrian or Median?

The Medes were an ancient Iranian people who spoke the Median language and who inhabited an area known as Media between western and northern Iran. Around the 11th century BCE, they occupied the mountainous region of northwestern Iran and the eastern region of Mesopotamia located around Hamadan (Ecbatana). Herodotus reports the Medes played a determining role in the fall of the Assyrian Empire and "could" have formed an empire at the beginning of the 7th century BCE that lasted until the 550s BCE. It was originally thought they competed with the kingsoms of Lydia and Babylonia for hegemony. However, the Medes left no written account of their history. Archaeologists have had to rely upon foreign sources such as the Assyrians, Babylonians and Greeks for Median history, instead, as well as a few Iranian archaeological sites, which are believed to have been occupied by Medes. Some scholars have gone so far as to suggest a Median kingdom as a political entity never existed at all, even though it was reported to have been conquered by Cyrus the Great in 549 BCE.

Materials found at Tepe Nush-i Jan, Godin Tepe, and other archaeological sites located in the area known as Media, together with Assyrian reliefs, show the existence of urban settlements in Media in the first half of the 1st millennium BCE which had functioned as centers for the production of handicrafts and also of an agricultural and cattle-breeding economy.

From the 10th to the late 7th centuries BCE, the western parts of Media fell under the domination of the vast Neo-Assyrian Empire that imposed Vassal Treaties upon the Median rulers, and also protected them from predatory raids by marauding Scythians and Cimmerians. During the reign of Sinsharishkun (622� BCE), the Assyrian empire, which had been in a state of constant civil war since 626 BCE, began to unravel and subject peoples, such as the Medes ceased to pay tribute.

Neo-Assyrian dominance over the Medians came to an end during the reign of Median King Cyaxares, who, in alliance with King Nabopolassar of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, attacked and destroyed the strife-riven Neo-Assyrian empire between 616 and 609 BCE. The newfound alliance helped the Medes to capture Nineveh in 612 BC, which resulted in the eventual collapse of the Neo-Assyrian Empire by 609 BCE. The Medes were subsequently able to establish their Median Kingdom (with Ecbatana as their royal capital) beyond their original homeland and had eventually a territory stretching roughly from northeastern Iran to the Kızılırmak River in Anatolia.

Artwork from this period was heavily influenced by the Neo-Assyrians but scholars hesitate to associate it specifically to the Medians due to the swiftly changing alliances of various tribes, clans, and regional groupings of western Iran at the time. Winged creatures or deities with human heads reflected Assyrian influence as well as sculptures depicting bulls or lions. Scholars believe Assyrian graphically detailed works of violence were meant to advertise the power of the empire and its rulers and to intimidate their enemies. Often precisely rendered animal carvings and statues were viewed as protective forces containing religious significance.

Lions regularly appear in Assyrian art. In ancient days, the Asiatic lion (slightly smaller than the African) roamed the Near East. To hunt the lions was a kingly activity of great importance. Famous carved reliefs of lion hunts show King Ashurbanipal hunting lions in an arena, sometimes from a chariot. The lion was also important as a symbol of the goddess Ishtar, the Queen of Heaven, one of the two most important deities in the Assyrian pantheon. - Metropolitan Museum of Art

A lion was thought to be a symbol of the Neo-Assyrian King Sargon II during the Neo-Assyrian period as well.

Bulls are another common motif in Assyrian art. The bull was more than just an important food source. Sumerian and Akkadian traditions describe the Bull of Heaven, which features in a conflict between Ishtar and Gilgamesh in the Epic of Gilgamesh. The bull remained an important symbol in Assyrian and other Mesopotamian cultures. It also was combined with human, lion, and avian traits to form mythical creatures. - Metropolitan Museum of Art


Notes

2. Labeling this period Iron 3 is unconventional in the context of highland archaeology. Scholars working in Turkey customarily describe the sixth through fourth centuries as the Late Iron Age, while in Armenia it is variously discussed as the post-Urartian period, the Early Armenian period, or, in local dynastic terms, the Yervandid period. In recognition of the different temporalities that govern the pace of political history, as opposed to that of social and material culture change, my colleagues and I prefer to extend archaeological periodization into the era of Achaemenid rule, rather than adopt the conventions of historical time-telling when dealing with archaeological materials (Smith, Badalyan, and Avetisyan 2009: 41). To a certain extent, currently the distinction between an archaeological versus a historical chronology is semantic, since the basis for the archaeological chronology is derived, in part, from historical ruptures. However, a change in nomenclature is a first step toward pushing archaeological analysis away from the narrow rhythms of royal genealogies. The problem with “Late Iron Age” is that it forecloses the possibility of extending archaeological periodization into later historical phases during which iron remained a defining technology (Khatchadourian 2011: 464–466). We thus follow a sequential system of periodization, which is comparable with that used in the archaeology of Iron Age Iran.

3. Two syntheses of these dispersed discoveries suggest that the material record for the period in question is sufficiently well preserved to support targeted research, while also revealing the obstacles posed by modern political borders. Karapetyan (2003) brings together all known archaeological findings of the period from the territory of the modern Republic of Armenia, while Yiğitpaşa (2016) provides a complete register of sites and materials from museum collections in eastern Anatolia.

4. On the north façade, the Armenian delegation includes five people instead of three, who bring not a horse and amphora but riding garments and a pair of straight-sided vessels. Root (forthcoming) has noted that the Armenians on the north are unique in being the only group to carry the riding costume as the first gift of the delegation, rather than the last. Associations with horse-riding may have been particularly strong. It should be noted that the terms used to describe Achaemenid vessels, including amphora, rhyton, and phiale (discussed below), are Greek in derivation. Greek craftspeople and consumers enthusiastically replicated and used Achaemenid-style drinking vessels (Hoffmann 1961 Miller 1993). By convention, scholars use the Greek terms also when speaking of such vessels as they occur within the imperial sphere. The Persian terms are not known.

5. Herodotus records Armenia’s tribute obligation as 400 talents of silver (Hist. 3.93 see discussion in Briant 2002: 391), while Xenophon (An. 4.5.3.34) and Strabo (11.14.9) further attest to payment in the form of horses. Xenophon states that the horse tax was differentially distributed according to a quota system across the villages of the dahyu. The village Xenophon visited had to supply 17 colts each year to local leaders, who transferred them to the satrap. The satrap would in turn pass them over to the court. Strabo notes that the dahyu supplied the king with 20,000 foals each year, which would be sacrificed in a festival to honor the god Mithra.

6. Between December 522 and June 521 b.c. Darius’s army fought five battles in Armenia on two fronts. Rebel forces, sometimes fighting from mountain perches, persistently reassembled after each defeat (DB.I.26–30). In Daniel Potts’s (2006–7: 134) words, “the Armenians would not be quelled.” The Old Babylonian version of the inscription records 5,097 dead and 2,203 captured, but the accuracy of such statistics is difficult to ascertain, as are the locations of the battles where such casualties were incurred (see Potts 2006–7: 135 and passim). In any event, several elements of the passages dealing with Armenia are unusual in the context of the monument as a whole. For instance, although each battle is punctuated with the formulaic refrain of the text (“by the grace of Ahuramazda did my army utterly overthrow the rebel host”), the subduing of Armenia appears to fall short as an expression of royal triumph. First, we read of no action or boast that definitively concludes the episode, as in the passages about Babylon, Media, and Persia. Nor does an Armenian insurgent appear in the sculptural representation of the bound captives who stand in judgment before Darius (figure 4, p. 3). And finally, Armenia is not included in the summary of successes. When the text is read at face value it is not immediately clear what was the end result or consequence of Armenia’s involvement in these events. Leqoc (1997: 197) and Jacobs (1994: 176–177) have attempted to resolve the ambiguities by suggesting that Armenia was administratively nested within the larger entity of Media, and thus the ultimate suppression of the Median revolt and the punishment of its leader would effectively imply the definitive defeat of the Armenian rebels. This is possible, but it still leaves Armenia in an anomalous position in the inscription.

7. On the historical geography of the Armenian dahyu, see Khatchadourian (2008: 87–91).

8. Scholars have debated the status of Colchis within the empire. It was never listed as its own dahyu. Bruno Jacobs (1994, 2000) and Maria Brosius (2010: 32) have suggested it may have been a part of the dahyu of Armenia, though possibly holding a different status with respect to obligations to the crown, and possibly for only a short duration.

9. Such analysis must contend with the ubiquitous challenges of combining survey datasets into a synthetic analysis (Alcock 1993 Alcock and Cherry 2004), plus the specific challenges that attend such efforts on the Armenian highland, where systematic and diachronic surveys are exceedingly few and ceramic chronologies for the centuries after Urartu are nascent (Khatchadourian 2008: 351–356). Surveys (and excavations as well) have struggled to differentiate, on the basis of ceramics alone, the short interval between the collapse of Urartu and the period of Achaemenid rule. For a history of regional-scale investigations on the Armenian highland, see Khatchadourian (2008: 347–356). As with all efforts at “side-by-side” survey (Alcock and Cherry 2004), one must contend with differing collection methods, data recording systems, and degrees of systematicity and intensity. By and large, all too many survey efforts of the last three decades still entail travel by vehicle to known or promising site locations, without intensive prospecting (see Khatchadourian 2008: table 7.1). Soviet land amelioration policies, a program intended to increase the productivity of previously uncultivated areas, often through the use of bulldozers, which cleared fields to make way for industrialized agriculture on collective farms (Smith and Greene 2009), further frustrates systematic survey in regions of the highland that fall within the former USSR.

10. See Khatchadourian (2008: 357–360) for a detailed discussion of the methodology used in this analysis.

11. See Khatchadourian (2008: 360–383) for detailed discussion of each project’s methodology and findings.

12. The numbers are striking: in Doğubeyazıt there is a drop in site numbers from 20 to 4 in Erciş, from 26 to 4 and in Lake Urmia, from 142 to 18.

13. Muş, which is also near Lake Van and the center of Urartu, does not fit this pattern, since site numbers there remained constant. Regrettably, however, it is not possible to account for the different situation in Muş, since in the absence of detailed site descriptions it is not even clear whether the Iron 2 sites of this region were fortresses.

14. In the Bayburt region, although two fortresses continued to be occupied during the Iron 3 period, the average elevation of the new, unfortified mound sites is lower than mounds occupied in the Iron 2 (or Urartian) period. In the Lake Sevan area, all of the newly founded Achaemenid-era sites are on low ground or in unfortified locations (while the sites that were continuously occupied from the Iron 2, or Urartian, period are fortress settlements). In the Muş region, we can only go on the statement of the investigator: “The defensive positions the Urartian rulers favored in the hills appear from our current evidence to be less important during the time of the world empires” (Rothman 2004: 149).

15. From the Greek rhysis, “flowing.” A rhyton is “a vessel with a small aperture (or a short spout) near its lower extremity through which a jet of wine could issue” (Stronach 2012a: 170).

16. See Arakelyan (1971) for photographs of the vessels prior to restoration.

17. The vessel finds numerous parallels, recovered through both illicit and controlled excavations from Asia Minor, to the Caucasus, to the southern Urals (Treister 2007 2013: 386–387).

18. In his close analysis of this frieze, Treister (2015) details the various features that help situate it within a cultural field that conjoins Persian and Greek formal styles. For instance, the dress of the female figures is variously both Greek and Persian in design. Perhaps most notable is the upright fingers of the seated man and the woman who approaches him, a manner of holding drinking bowls that scholars generally agree is associated with Persia (Dusinberre 2013: 133 Treister 2012: 120). And yet the probable association of the scene with Greek myth, coupled with the numerous points of comparison with the arts of Greece and Asia Minor, situate this object in that complicated heuristic category that art historians have come to call, not without reservation, Greco-Persian style (for discussion, see Gates 2002).

20. The leading candidate in the scholarship seems to be the historically attested satrap, Orontes, on whom see Khatchadourian (2008: 93–101).

21. On which see p. 143 above.

22. In terms of dating, in the long history of scholarship on these vessels, there appears to be consensus that the horse rhyton (without rider) and the fluted goblet fall squarely within the period of Achaemenid rule, sometime after the second half of the fift h century (e.g. Stronach 2011 Treister 2015). There is some disagreement on the other two vessels. Recent arguments for the dating of the horse-protome rhyton with rider range from the second half of the fifth century (Treister 2015) to the end of the fourth century (Stronach 2011), but the weight of the scholarship favors a date within the period of Achaemenid ascendancy. In recent years, the calf-head rhyton has been variously assigned to a date no later than the middle or third quarter of the fourth century (Ter-Martirosov and Deschamps 2007 Treister 2012, 2013, 2015), or to the late fourth to early third century (Hažatrian and Markarian 2003 Stronach 2011), yet Treister’s most recent analyses do lend weight to the former dating.

23. Many scholars have accepted a provenience in Armenia—see Muscarella (1980: 30) for citations, as well as Amiet (1983)—but Muscarella is rightly doubtful of information provided by dealers.

24. Other items in the collection include a cylindrical silver box, a shallow silver dish, and two silver scoops, possibly incense ladles (for comparanda from Persepolis, see Simpson 2005: 128).

From Imperial Matter: Ancient Persia and the Archaeology of Empires, by Lori Khatchadourian


Urartian Bull's Head Spout - History

The world was formed millions of years ago, and man first left traces of his existence towards the end of the third ice-age.

Man developed into Homo sapiens developed after a long period of gradual evolution, when he came to dominate the world with his superior intelligence.

He first struggled against nature, and then against the savage beasts in his environment. He learnt to make flint blades from polished stones, and to turn them into weapons.

Anatolia has been host to a variety of cultures throught pre-history, and ancient times. The Paleolothic or Early Stone Age was the first age to see settlements in Anatolia. During this period, about 300,000 to 200,000 years into pre-history, man took shelter in caves and learnt to make exas and sharp bladed weapons with flint-blades.

The middle stone age which follows, otherwise known as the Mesolithic period, was a time when pre-historic man showed signs of evolution, by painting the pictures of the animals he saw around him, animals and he both respected and feared, on the walls of his cave, making the first advances into the art of painting.

I will let images talk! However, please keep in mind that the following is only a small fraction of the great works of Anatolians. You should come to Turkey to see more. Female figurine with leopard.

The seated goddess figure dates to the late Neolithic era (5600 B.C.)

Early Bronze Age (3 millenium B.C.) Semi-circular head and upper torso, breasts and feet plated with gold. Eyes worked in blue and black metal.

Early Bronze Age (3 millenium B.C.) The standing figurine is naked, head and neck plated with gold, hair gathered at the neck and dresses to fall over the nape. Yhe figurine represents the mother goddess.

Dates to the second half of the III millenium B.C. Raised beak spout, cylidrical neck, spherical body and round base.

Early Bronz Age (second half of the 3 millenium). Inlayed with fine silver spirals on the neck, torso, forehead and tips of the horns. Cast and beaten bronze.

Dating from the second half of the third millenium B.C., it contains triangular divisions, and is set on an 'H' shaped base.

The god is short skirted, wears pointed shoes and carries a sword on his right hip. Resting his left hand on the King's shoulder, he both protects him and acts as his guide.

An ivory figure of Urartu origin thought to have been part of a pece of jewellery. It dates to the second half of the 8th century B.C.

Urartu ivory figure, dating to the end of the 8th century B.C. Incised and cast. A typical Urartian lion motif, from a piece of jewellery.

A fine hammered vessel in the form of a ram's head of outer and inner pieces of folded together at the rim. The body is ribbed by parallel band and bears rosettes below the rim. It dates to the end of the 8th century B.C.

Beaten bronze. Vertical ribbing on the neck and drop-shaped petals on the body. It dates to the end of the 8 century B.C.

Dates to the last quarter of the 4th century B.C.

Dates to the end of the 1 st century B.C. The young athlete is shown resting after exertion. The figure stands, leaning against a pillar, and represents a youth of 12-14 years of age. The statue dates to the early imperial Roman period.

The figure of Christ, dressed in white, draws Adam and Eve from the grave. Hell is portrayed beneath the feet of Christ.

Elmali Church Dating to the 11 century, it has a large and small apse, cross-vaulted and flanked by four columns, and a central dome. The frescos in this church are most representative of II century style of all the churches in Goreme, Nevsehir.

Sumela Monastry This is set on a sheer rock face, in the region of Trabzon. It was founded by two monks, Varnena and Sofranios by hollowing out the rock face of the cliff at a height of 1300 m. The frescos of the monastery illustrated scenes from the Christian cycle and the Old Testament.

First built by Constantine I, the church was restored by Theodosius II, and rebuilt in 537 by Justiniamus after it had been destroyed in a fire in 532. Butresses and and minarets were added during the Ottoman period.

This palace, which is situated in eastern Turkey near the Irano-Russian border, stands on the crest of a ridge overlooking the town of Dogubeyazit. It dates to 1781. Built by the Cildiroglu chieftain Ishak Pasa II, grandson of the Ottoman governer of Georgia, Ishak Pasa I, this Seljuk style castle covers an area of 7600 m2. The architect is unknown.

Ridvaniye mosque is flanked by a pool containing sacred fish and surrounded by a madrasa complex. This mosque and its fish are the symbol of Urfa. It dates to 18 century.

Dolmabahce Palace was built between 1843 and 1856. The palace contains a selamlik or male quarters, a grand hall, a harem and apartments for the crown princes. Dolmabahce, like the other Ottoman palaces of the period such as Beylerbeyi palace and the royal lodge at Kucuksu, reflect the Ottoman Europeanised taste of that era.

The Sultanahmet Mosque It is founded on one of the seven hills of Istanbul. The architect Mehmed Aga began the construction in 1609, and the architect poet and inlayer completed this great work in 1617. An imperial lodge, school, service koshk and single and double storied shops were included in the complex, which spread over the area aorund the mosque.

The mosque was built during the reign of Selim II (1569-1575) by the architect Sinan. It is an eight-pier mosque. The Selimiye was conseived of as part of a complex, including a school, Kor'an college, school of traditions and other public buildings.


Esfahan

There is a certain duty amongst visitors to Iran reassure Iranians that their country is beautiful, that we like them, that no, we do not see them as terrorists. I have by now started counting down from 3 to 1 everytime I suspect someone will approach us for a chat or betting with Sam how far in our wander we will reach before someone stops us to talk. Always the same question. Desperate, hoping for a different answer. ‘What do you think of Iran’?, ‘How does it compare with what you thought before you came?’

Actually I did not expect so much hospitality. Iranians win the prize for it.
I also did not expect to find terrorists either. A lot of people seem to be wary of that. We were not, still are not. It is clear to me by now that terrorism happens when and where you least expect it, take Urumqi bombings or the hit on the Malaysian airlines plane by a pro-russian rebels missile as the recent examples.
I did not expect to like the Iranian food so much. We are both heavier because of that. I expected people to speak good english. And they do.
I had some sense that Iranian women are fashionable but I had no idea the extent to which they are, to the point they put me to shame with my limited, mediocre wardrobe. I am happy it is Ramazan because I can avoid be looked at with pity everytime I go out given that a lot of the fashionable places close during Ramazan. Eating after 8 pm works because it is dark and everyone thinks about food than watching the scruffy tourist. I have not encountered the moral police yet, nobody seems to care what you wear, I am guessing this is not the case in rural Iran though. Talking about all these female tourists, strangely mainly chinese and japanese, who I do not know how they manage to miss the point about ‘tops should reach the middle of the thigh’ and that covering your body does not mean wearing anything ie. Your gymnastics top. Yes dear your arms are covered but we can still see your nicely shaped bum. Wearing a scarf seems to be for some ladies the maximum modification they will tolerate in their appearance.

And those hippy baggy skirts and trousers….they are the death of me. Please look around you. Do you see any Iranian woman who respects herself and understands fashion to wear ikat garments?

With these thoughts I got off our city bus in Esfahan and started walking towards the old town. The heat scorching. Wind still.

Our hotel welcomed us with its lovely inner courtyard and a fountain in the middle of it, surrounded by teabeds. It was Sam’s birthday in three days and we hoped for something a bit special. The receptionist guided us to a room upstairs with its own outside space and sitting area overlooking the courtyard. We decided to take it despite being slightly more expensive than usual. We spent the rest of the afternoon inside. As the sun started setting we went to a nearby canteen for food and returned shortly to the room. We were both knackered.

Next morning three cockroaches awaited us in the bathroom, the receptionist asked for 1 night’s payment in order to give us our passports temporarily so we could buy train tickets to Van. Now I know why Esfahanis are called tight fisted. Noone else ever had made such request, as if we were likely to leave all our belongings at the hotel and disappear.
We walked for two hours, asking three agencies only to establish that we could not buy tickets, each giving us a different reason. Either the system was down or we needed to buy them from Tabriz (that was where we wanted to go from). I was not happy that morning. The walk through the bazaars around imam square helped me wind down and after my usual afternoon siesta, rejuvenated, asked for another room hoping the cockroaches would go away.

That evening we went back to the square. With its night lights on and full of people having picnic (Iranians’ favourite past time) was very pleasant indeed. As the clock ticked 8 pm we headed to the banquet hall located deep inside the bazaar amongst block print fabric and antique shops. We picked a teabed and placed our order. Sam decided to try the isfahan biryani which was not similar to the Indian equivalent but instead a big piece of nan filled with a haggis like substance, a sprinkle of thai basil and lime. Although strange to begin with it was rather tasty. I went for vine leaves dolma and aubergine dolma both sweetly flavoured and very tasty. A jug of doogh (a drink of yogurt diluted in water and flavoured with mint and other herbs, slightly sour and salty) accompanied our meal. Doogh is my favourite drink currently, absolutely love it and cannot get enough of it, my body in high need of calcium.

After our meal something extraordinary occured. A CAFE!! Excited we stepped into the dimly lit Roozegar cafe with its student ambience, familiar from my university days. Young men with moustaches and beards, wearing jeans and black or white T-shirts, women with their scarfs loosely covering their hair and necks, having turkish coffee and sweet fruit juices. A song from the ‘Amelie’ soundtrack playing through the speakers. I ordered a saffron and rosewater drink and Sam a citrus one. We sipped our drinks slow enough to make sure we enjoyed our new discovery.

Next morning the major sights awaited us first on the line Jameh mosque, where a retired teacher of persian literature managed to trick us into a tour by sticking around and talking us through the sites. I was lurking away whilst he started talking to Sam so I had missed the first part assuming as per lonelyplanet guidance that he was the free guide mentioned in the book. Unfortunately Sam assumed the same and did not check. At the end of the tour the guy asked for money which left us puzzled. Sam gave him a few pennies because he actually thought the information was useful yet looking disappointed he told him that ‘It was not polite of him’ not to tell us that the tour came with a price. On my way out, as per usual, I unintentionally created havoc on holy ground with the mosque keepers when I mentioned what had occured. To their credit they sought, found and brought the perpetrator to face his fate ie me giving him a gentle (within my capacity of being that adjective) telling off.

We left the mosque and after gloriously getting lost in the old town and the bazaar e bozorg we made it to Jolfa, the Armenian quarter. Its residents had ended up in Iran after shah Abbas I brought them to Isfahan due to their sought after artisanship much needed by his kingdom at the time. More came later during the time of clearances and the Armenian genocide committed by the Turks, thus creating a vibrant community.

It was now 3 pm and very hot. We had taken a wrong turn and ended up lost again. Eventually we made it to Valk church and museum whose interior was decorated with gruesome pictures of martyrdom and hell as well as the storyline of the birth till death of Jesus. The adjacent museum had a range of ancient religious paraphenalia of little interest yet an interesting introductory window filled with books, videos, and photographs from the Armenian genocide by the Turks. A sentence that stuck in my mind, ‘without listening to the voice of conscience you must put an end to their (the Armenians) existence’ which was a message from Turkey to the governor of Aleppo where a lot of Armenians were sent during the clearances. The Turkish government still denies the unrecedented scale of massacre and the fact that it was unprovoked.

That night we returned to cafe Roozegar for coffee but then failed to make it to the icecream shop in time. I will forever blame the young yuppie Iranian covered in brand clothing and wth his ipad in hand who stopped us to have a chat and with his verbosity kept us for about 20 minutes. He talked about his hate of Islam and Iran, his friends who had sought asylum in Australia by flying in, his search for only beautiful women (him being short and ugly). He was so self-absorbed and arrogant that when I asked what his qualification was his response was ‘a smoothtalker’ and continued to say he would thus manage to get a visa in Australia. Loosing my patience and worrying I would also not get my icecream I urged Sam to go and wished that we would never meet him in Jolfa the next day as he frequented there. He left us by saying ‘oooh she’s hot’ about a girl passing, asked us to buzz him if we were in Jolfa the next day (luckily he had forgotten to give us his number and there was no way in hell we would remind him) and disappeared to annoy someone else.
Sam and I felt rather sorry for him as, albeit his naivity, he must feel very lonely in an Islamic country.

With no icecream because the place was shut, we had a quick meal of dizi and returned to the hotel where we laid on the teabed outside our room until ‘told off’ time by the hotel staff after other guests complained we were talking too loudly.

Sam’s first day of his 31st year of life dawned. We spent it by visiting the Imam mosque, huge, with very elaborate tilework, glorious, and the six storied Aliqapu palace with its cleverly designed music room and a balcony that overlooked the entire imam khomeini square or Naqsh e Jahan, as locals call it, meaning the pattern of the world. Certainly true as from that balcony the shah could see everything that was happening in the bazaar, the square and the mosque plus he could watch the horse races and the polo games popular in his time.

Our attempt to visit the Chehelstoun palace that afternoon was blocked by the altered ramazan timetable so we decided to stay another day. Meantime Sam had his celebratory meal at a fashionable cafe-restaurant tucked in Jolfa which what it had in design lost in food quality. We overlooked the ultra bitter salad, caused by the disproportiately mixed vinegrette, high on vinegar, and overcooked pasta, and enjoyed the excellent opportunity to people watch young and old middle class Iranians. We said our cheers with a non-alcoholic lemon flavoured Bavaria beer and hung out at the little Jolfa square where young men sat chatting or filled the evening air with their roaring motorbikes.

After a late start the next day we made it to Chehelstoun palace and museum which made Sam admit he would not mind to be a shah, perhaps of a small country, nothing too extravagant. Giggling at the thought of Sam wearing a silly turban with a pheasant feather attached to it we headed to the bookshops to get some post cards.

On our way we stopped by a fountain. A man in his early 20s came over for a chat. In the midst of it all asked Sam whether I was his mother which he greatly regretted when Sam explained who I was. After profusely apologising he asked whether I had died my hair grey (because that is uber fashionable, right?) Thus digging a deeper hole for himself. The idea that a woman can have grey hair prematurely was obviously out of the realm of possibilities for this guy. With a last, pathetic apology he disappeared and so did we. Sam made his usual jokes but I was rather mortified.

A young man of 18 joined us on our walk shortly after which interrupted my inner dialogue about when and where I am going to be able to dye my hair before I reach the fashionable capitals of Europe – Istanbul or Thessaloniki appear to be my only options. By the way, we really are never alone in Iran as you might have noticed by now.
Ali was going to study medicine. His english impeccable.
He started the conversation by saying how most people in Iran do not fast and 95% of young people his age are drawn away from Islam.
His primary reason for feeling this way was that he thought it was non sensical for boys to have to supress their urges until they get married.
He said that the Quran says ‘a kiss in heaven lasts 50 years’ and joked, ‘Angelina Jolie has not kissed for that long’ implying that nobody, even the most promiscious ones amongst us would be able or willing to kiss for that long. We all roared with laughter. What would be the point of waiting to get to heaven to experience all the pleasures when these are within reach in this life?
Ali was evidently exasperated by the discrepancies between the Quranic teachings and people’s practices. ‘How can you wait until you get married but then you are allowed to have five wives? He asked.
To further support his gradual loss of faith he recited the first line of the Quran: ‘Allah is great and merciful’ and questioned Allah’s mercy saying that scenes of punishment are vividly described in the Quran for those doing wrong. ‘Where is god’s mercy in that?’ He asked.
Ali mentioned that a religion which promoted the idea that if someone hits you you hit back was inappropriate for our times. He talked about how a country’s means of development is its culture, but the Arabs had deprived the country from it with the introduction of Islam. They destroyed Iran’s monuments and raped the women. Ali asked his theology teacher once why since the Arabs were muslims they did that. His teacher replied that when a muslim beats a non – muslim he can take the latter as his slave and force the women to marry him. Ali was mortified by his teacher’s viepoint, it was the final stroke for him.

He then asked me how I feel about the hijab to which I replied I did not particularly care because in 10 days I would be forever out of Iran and would not have to wear it. Yet I felt frustrated about women in Iran not having the choice, treated like objects. I said to him that ‘wearing the hijab whilst men can go around wearing anything they like, as tight and as revealing as they like is not recognising that women have sexual urges too’. Ali asked me to speak lower as people where very sensitive on the use of such language. He however agreed and offered an interesting point.
‘What do women in Iran feel about the hijab’? I asked. He said that there was the irony. Although they do not like it, when a critical event happened, namely the big earthquake in Bam, they were advised to prepare a bag with the most necessary items in case they have to evacuate. ‘Do you know what was the first thing women put in that bag? Their scarf!!’ He said exasperated. It did not make sense although I kept my reservations as to totally believing that story of his.
Sam asked Ali why women do nose jobs. To our surprise and unlike what we thought, Ali said that women in Iran lack confidence and they forever aspire to look blonde, with perfect noses, basically like westerners. That surprised me because I always thought Iranians as a nation with enough history and culture to feel proud and self-sufficient rather than to need external models to fortify their esteem.

After ensuring no one was listening he asked us about what we thought about Israel and Palestine. I readily replied that no one really, apart from the US, supports Israel’s acts, yet Iran had to stay out of it because it was not their business and Iran has its own problems to solve. ‘A war is the last thing Iran needs’ I stressed. However a deeply cultivated fear emerged there. He explained how Iran does not want a war but Iran is afraid of Israel and Saudi Arabia opening a war with Iran. He explained how Iran needed the nuclear bomb to protect itself against a possible attack from Israel and Saudi Arabia and this was an imminent need as both these countries keep on buying weapons and fighter planes from the US in disproportionate amounts compared to the size of their population and are lacking the equivalent number of pilots needed to fly them.

This was a boy who was just starting university, from a middle class, educated family. A boy who to a great extent was able to critically reflect on religion and its impact on Iranian society, its contradictions and inadequacies. Yet he expressed these fears about neighboring countries that to our ears sounded more like paranoia rather than real danger.

Again I am not sure what access to media this boy had but if it was coming from the state television it was bound to feed into an ongoing cultivation of the idea that Iran is vulnerable towards its neighbouring countries.
Overall, it was scary to think what Iranians who have half this boy’s education and none of his background think about the same issues whilst possibly having even less access to worldwide media and rounded political analysis. Ali shed light to a mentality that was incomprehensible to us.

The conversation lightened up when we asked Ali about his sister. Ali said how his parents wanted his sister to leave Iran and study abroad but Ali thought that his sister was totally incapable of doing that. ‘Have you been to her room? It’s a mess! clothes everywhere, your foot steps on something and it’s an iphone 5. if you gave her money she would spend it all in a day at the shopping mall, that is all girls do all the time!!’. He claimed that girls in Iran today are raised so protected within the family home that they would be unable to lead life successfully.
‘She goes out with a boy and she then comes back to ask me my opinion. So, I say to her, you have two options, but she likes none of them and then blames me that I want the worst for her!!’ Sam and I laughed at the universality of siblings’ relations.

‘Women in Iran, Ali continued, have three reactions when you tell them something they do not like first, they cry, then, they yell and finally they hit you!’ We were truly cracking up by that point.
No matter how pleasant all this chat was we had to return to our room as the heat and the lack of open cafes due to Ramazan was now taking the best of us. We farewelled Ali and went our separate ways.

That evening we were approached by a young female student with exceptional english who was doing a survey with tourists about how they feel about Iran. Her questions revolved around safety, possibility of terrorist attacks, dress code, freedom, and so on. We filled her questionnaire the best way we could being aware that our views were based on 15 days of exposure to this country and interactions mainly with educated 20 something people who spoke English and so our understanding of what people in Iran thought about their country was skewed. One thing felt certain. The young people of Iran sounded unsettled.

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Urartian Bull's Head Spout - History

CAPTIONS OF ILLUSTRATIONS

list of all the figure and plate images in the letter G entries.

G ENTRIES: CAPTIONS OF ILLUSTRATIONS

online entry

caption text

Figure 1. Photograph of Annemarie von Gabain.

Plate I. Gabba, southwestern Persia(?), 19th century. Wool pile on wool warp and weft. 208.5 × 129.5 cm. The Textile Museum R33.00.4. Acquired by George Hewitt Myers.

Plate II. Gabbas on display at a Qa&scaronqāʾī tent in the garmsīr. After M. Aḥmadī and M. Maḵmalbāf, Gabba: fīlm-nāma wa ʿaks, Tehran, 1375 &Scaron./1996.

Plate III. A gabba in a contemporary style. After M. Aḥmadī and M. Maḵmalbāf, Gabba: fīlm-nāma wa ʿaks, Tehran, 1375 &Scaron./1996.

Figure 1. Photograph of Francesco Gabrieli. After Traini, ed.

Plate I. Carved stucco hood in the meḥrāb of the Friday mosque at Nāʾīn. 10th century. Photograph by S. Blair.

Plate II. Moqarnas vault of moulded stucco in the tomb of ʿAbd-al-Ṣamad at Naṭanz, 1307. Photograph by S. Blair.

Plate III. Pierced stucco vaults in the so-called &ldquomusic room&rdquo of the ʿĀlī Qāpū palace, Isfahan. Early 17th century. Photograph by S. Blair.

Figure 1. Painting of Ḡolām-Ḥosayn Khan Ḡaffārī by Moṣawwer-al-Mamālek (1919). Courtesy of F. Gaffary.

Figure 1. Moḥammad-Ebrāhīm Khan Ḡaffārī. After M. Sepehr, Īrān dar jang-e bozorg, Tehran, 1336 &Scaron./1957, p. 96.

Figure 1. Neẓām-al-Dīn Ḡaffārī. After Sepehr, p. 172.

Figure 1. Photograph of Bobodzhan Gafurovich Gafurov.

Plate I. Body (tana) and immersion pipe (mīlāb) of a ḡalyān. After Semsār, p. 23.

Plate II. Various types of sarpū&scaron (top bowls) used with ḡalyāns for holding charcoal and tobacco. The model decorated with the portrait of Nāṣer-al-Dīn Shah has been particularly popular. After Semsār, p. 23.

Plate III. Enameled ḡalyān with coconut-shaped reservoir (kūza) in the collection of the Crown Jewels of Persia. Height: 37 cm. After Meen and Tushingham.

Plate IV. Unusual ḡalyāns with very long pipes. Safavid period. After Chardin, Pl. XIX.

Plate V. Persians smoking ḡalyāns at a coffeehouse. Safavid period. After Tavernier.

Plate VI. Woman with ordinary ḡalyān in the private apartments of a Persian house. After H. Grothe, Wanderungen in Persien, Berlin, 1910, facing p. 260.

Figure 1. Wheat production in Persia by ostān, 1973.

Figure 2. Wheat production in Persia by ostān, 1992.

Figure 3. Geographical distribution of wheat production in Afghanistan by province, 1983.

Figure 4. Wheat production in Afghanistan by province, 1983.

Figure 1. Photograph of Qāsem Ḡanī.

Figure 1. Photograph of Reżā Ganjaʾī.

Figure 1. Claude Mathieu de Gardane, envoy to Tehran (December 1807-February 1809). Courtesy of Le Souvenir Napoléonien.

Figure 1. La&scaronkarī Bāzār, plan of the Garden Courtyard with Square Pavilion. Ghaznavid period. After Schlumberger, 1978.

Figure 2. La&scaronkarī Bāzār, plan of the Square Pavilion in the Garden Courtyard. Ghaznavid period. After Schlumberger, 1978.

Figure 3. Layout of a čahārbāḡ according to the Er&scaronād al-zerāʿa (q.v.) by Qāsem b. Yūsof, 921/1515. Reconstruction by M. E. Subtelny drawing by W. Moskaliuk, after Stud. Ir., 1995.

Figure 4. Plan of the Bāḡ-e Fīn, Kā&scaronān, founded by Shah ʿAbbās but rebuilt by Fatḥ-ʿAlī Shah, as it appeared in the late 19th century (after Wilber, 1979).

Plate I. The &ldquoNamakdān&rdquo decagonal pavilion at Gazorgāh (Herāt), probably Safavid. Photograph by L. Golombek, 1966

Plate II. Drawing of the Ha&scaront Behe&scaront pavilion, Isfahan, built in the late 17th century. Drawing by P. Coste, 1867.

Figure 5. Plan of the Shalamar Garden. After Sikander.

GARDEN iii. Influence of Persian Gardens in India

Plate III. Shalamar Garden. Central canal of the public garden. Photograph by H. Crane.

GARDEN iii. Influence of Persian Gardens in India

Plate IV. Shalamar Garden. Central pool and marble pavilions. Photograph by H. Crane.

Plate V. For the decorative arts, the &ldquogarden carpet&rdquo is the quintessential re-creation of the garden, while paintings depict the garden as a setting for events. Vegetal motifs as ornament may be understood as generic allusions to the garden. In special circumstances, these allusions may be viewed as allusions to paradise themes.

Plate VI. Garden scene with pool, from a manuscript of Neẓāmī&rsquos Ḵamsa, ca. 1420. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913. (13.228.13)

Figure 1. Albert Joseph Gasteiger. Bilderarchiv der Österr. Nationalbibliothek, NB 518.583. After Slaby, Pl. 7.

Figure 1. The Battle of Gaugamela, depicted in the Alexander Mosaic from the House of the Faun, Pompeii. Museo Archeologico Nazionale Napoli. Photograph licensed under the GFDL by the author of the photograph released under the GNU Free Documentation License. (See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Alexandermosaic.jpg.)

Plate I. Gāvbāzī in Gīlān in the early 19th century. After Rabino, 1914.

Plate II. Varzā jang in the central plain of Gīlān in 1993. Photograph by C. Bromberger.

Plate III. Palang, the gāvbāzī champion in 1365-66 &Scaron./1986-87. Photograph by M. Ajiri, courtesy of C. Bromberger.

Plate I. Astragalus adscendens Boiss and Haussk, Leguminosae. Photograph by B. Grami, September 1979.

Plate II. Gaz plants at the foot of the Ḵᵛānsār hills. Gaz gatherers can be seen in the background. Photograph by B. Grami, September 1979.

Plate III. Gaz gatherers with their tools at the foot of the Ḵᵛānsār hills. Photograph by B. Grami, September 1979.

Plate IV. Gathering gaz: tapping the plant and collecting gaz in the leather bowl. Photograph by B. Grami, September 1979.

Figure 1. Site and monuments of Ḡaznī. After Ball, II, p. 24, fig. 24.1.

ḠAZNĪ ii. Monuments and Inscriptions

Plate I. Minaret of Masʿūd III at Ḡaznī. After Survey of Persian Art VIII, p. 356.

ḠAZNĪ ii. Monuments and Inscriptions

Plate II. Cursive inscription on tomb of Maḥmūd I. Photograph by U. Scerrato, Istituto Italiano per l&rsquoAfrica e l&rsquoOriente, Dep. CS Neg. R 2152/8.

Figure 1. Bernhard Geiger (third from bottom) at the centenary banquet tendered to the American Oriental Society, Copley-Plaza Hotel, Boston, 9 April 1942. Photograph by Fay-Foto, Boston courtesy of R. N. Frye.

Figure 1. Wilhelm Geiger. After W. Wüst, ed., Studia Indo-Iranica: Ehrengabe für Wilhelm Geiger, Leipzig, 1931.

Figure 1. Karl Friedrich Geldner. After W. Rau, Bilder hundert deutscher Indologen, Wiesbaden, 1965, p. 53.

Figure 1. Photograph of Rudolf Gelpke.

Figure 1. Schematic representation of a grinding wheel.

Figure 1. Hjalmar O. Hjalmarson (center) and officers of the Gendarmerie. After M. Sepehr, Īrān dar jang-e bozorg, Tehran, 1336 &Scaron./1957, p. 106.

Plate I. Portrait of a Mongol khan in the Tractatus de septem vitiis, one of the earliest known examples of a European imitation of a Persian miniature. Genoa, 14th century. MS London, British Library, Add. 27695, fol. 13. By permission of the British Library.

Figure 1. Boundaries and provincial administrative divisions of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1995). After United Nations Department of Public Information, Cartographic Section, map no. 3891.

GEOGRAPHY iii. Political geography

Figure 2. The formation of the Afghan state. (a) Territorial divisions of the Pashtuns. (b) Borders of the Afghan state 1762-72 and its international boundaries today. After Planhol, 1993, p. 608, fig. 46.

GEOGRAPHY iii. Political geography

Figure 3. Evolution of administrative divisions of Afghanistan. (a) Divisions in 1946. (b) Divisions to 1964. (c) Divisions after 1964. (d) Divisions in 1982. After Planhol, 1993, p. 630, fig. 47.

Figure 1. Map of the area between the Zagros Mountains and the hills of Karkūk as represented on a Babylonian clay tablet containing the world&rsquos oldest known topographical map.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Figure 2. The inhabited world reconstructed from Strabo (64 B.C. E.-21 C.E.). After Bunbury, II, p. 238.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate I. The &ldquoFifth Map of Asia&rdquo (Quinta Asiae Tabula). After Ptolemy, Geographia, ed. L. Holle, Ulm, 1482.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate II. Eṣṭaḵrī&rsquos map of the &ldquoPersian Sea.&rdquo MS Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayĭ Kütüphanesi. After Y. Kamal, Monumenta Cartographica Africae et Agypti, Cairo, 1932.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate III. Map of the world in Zakarīyāʾ Qazvīnī&rsquos Āṯār al-belād. After Kamal (1926-51).

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate IV. Map-drawing of Ardabil by Pieter van der Aa, 1719.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate V. &ldquoThe Kingdom of Persia.&rdquo Map by John Speed in his atlas, The Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World 1627.

GEOGRAPHY iv. Cartography of Persia

Plate VI. The first official map of Tehran, prepared for Amīr Kabīr by August Křziž in 1857. 92 × 76 cm scale 1:2,880.

Figure 1. Geological structural zones of Persia.

Figure 2. Distribution of mineral resources in Persia.

Figure 1. Modern Georgia. After United Nations Department of Public Information, Cartographic Division, map no. 3180 Rev. 2.

Figure 2. Georgia in the 16th century. After K. Salia, History of the Georgian Nation , Paris, 1983, p. 253.

Figure 3. Location of ancient Georgia (Colchis and Iberia). After Braund, p. xviii, map 1.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 4. Schematic map of Georgia showing principal archaeological sites. After Kacharava, p. 79, fig. 1.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 5a. Achaemenid objects in Colchis: gold cheek-plate with a depiction of Ahura Mazdā (Sairkhe). Adapted from Nadiradze, Table V, 3.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 5b. Achaemenid objects in Colchis: silver rhyton Mtisdziri, environs of Vani. Adapted from Gamkrelidze, fig. 21.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 5c. Jugs with tubular handles. After Mikeladze, 1990, Table XV.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 6a. Achaemenid silver phiale from Colchis. Vani. Adapted from Vani IV, figs. 199, 202.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 6b. Achaemenid silver phiale from Colchis. Environs of Dioscuria. After Kvirkvelia, p. 81, fig. 21.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 6c. Achaemenid glass phiale from Colchis. Sairkhe. After Nadiradze, Table XXXVIII, 1.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 7a. Architectural remains from Colchis (Sairkhe): Doric capital. After Kipiani, Tables X.1.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 7b. Architectural remains from Colchis (Sairkhe): bull-protome. After Kipiani, Table IX.2.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 8a. Architectural remains from Iberia: Tsikhiagora. After Kapiani, Table II, 2.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 8b. Architectural remains from Iberia: Dedoplis Mindori. After Kapiani, Table XXXIX.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 8c. Architectural remains from Iberia: plan of temple complex from Dedoplis Mindori. After Gagoshidze, 1992, p. 30, fig. 1.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 8d. Architectural remains from Iberia: reconstruction of column in Nadarbazevi, Mtskheta. After Lezhava, Table LIX, 5.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 9a. Material from Samadlo: red painting on pythos. After Gagoshidze, 1981, Table XVII.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 9b. Material from Samadlo: limestone reliefs of hunting scene. After Gagoshidze, 1981, Table XIX, 236.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 10. Iberian pottery of the 6th-1st centuries B.C.E. Adapted from Narimanishvili, passim, and Gagoshidze, 1981, passim.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 11a. Iberian pottery of the 6th-1st centuries B.C.E. Adapted from Narimanishvili, passim, and Gagoshidze, 1981, passim.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 11b. Iberian pottery of the 6th-1st centuries B.C.E. Adapted from Narimanishvili, passim, and Gagoshidze, 1981, passim.

GEORGIA iii. Iranian elements in Georgian art and archeology

Figure 12. Bone plates engraved with hunting scenes and Aramaic inscriptions. From Dedoplis Mindori. After Gagoshidze, 1992, p. 42, fig. 13.

Plate I. Rostevan and Avtandil hunting. From the Vepkhistqaosani. MS Tbilisi, Kekelidze Institute of Manuscripts, Academy of Sciences, S. 5006, fol. 16r.

GEORGIA iv. Literary contacts with Persia

Plate II. Vis meets the nurse. From the Visramiani. MS Tbilisi, Kekelidze Institute of Manuscripts, Academy of Sciences, S. 3702, fol. 19v.

Plate I. Ceiling of the Čehel Sotūn, Isfahan. Photograph by S. Blair.

Plate II. Carved stucco panel on the entrance of Rebāṭ-e Māhī. 12th century. Photograph by M. Milwright.

Plate III. Carved terracotta tile decoration in the Masjed-e Jāmeʿ, Gonābād. 14th century. Photograph by M. Milwright.

Plate IV. Cut tile revetment. Gonbād-e Sabz, Ma&scaronhad. 1082/1671. Photograph by M. Milwright.

Plate Va. Mawj-e čahār lenga bā qofl-e lā elāh ellā Allāh wa yā Moḥammad yā ʿAlī.

Plate Vb. Mūrd-e haft rangī-e zanjīra-ye do baḵ&scaronī.

Plate Vc. Ha&scaront-čahār lenga-ye morabbaʿ.

Plate I. Taḵt-e Solaymān. Site of Sasanian fire temple (5th-7th century C.E.) and Mongol palace (13th century). Photograph courtesy of Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin.

GERMANY ii. Archeological excavations and studies

Plate II. View of Besṭām (Azerbaijan), site of an Urartian hill fortress excavated by German archeologists from 1969 onwards (see EIr. IV, pp. 175-77). Photograph courtesy of Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin.

Plate III. Bowl with lute-player and Arabic benediction in Kufic script on the edge. Silver and niello. Iran, 10th-11th century. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Islamische Kunst (Inventory no. I.582). 5-77). Photograph courtesy of Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin.

GERMANY vi. Collections and Study of Persian Art in Germany

Plate IV. Glazed ceramic meḥrāb with arabesque reliefs and Koranic inscriptions in Kufic and naskò scripts. Kā&scaronān. Dated Ṣafar 623 (February-March 1226) and signed by Ḥasan b. ʿArab&scaronāh. Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Islamische Kunst (Inventory no. I. 5366).

Plate V. The German School (Madrasa-ye ālmānī) in Tehran After H. Grothe, Wanderungen in Persien, Berlin, 1910, facing p. 272.

GERMANY viii. German Cultural Influence In Persia

Plate VI. Classroom and students at the German School (Madrasa-ye ālmānī) in Tehran After H. Grothe, Wanderungen in Persien, Berlin, 1910, facing p. 272.

Figure 1. Photograph of Antoine Ghilain.

Figure 1. Photograph of Roman Ghirshman.

Figure 1. Heydar Ghiaï-Chamlou (photograph courtesy of Yves Ghiaï-Chamlou).

Plate I. Dome of the Majles-e Senā (Senate) in Tehran, designed by Gīāʾī and Forūḡī.

Figure 1. The province of Gīlān.

GĪLĀN i. Geography and Ethnography

Figure 2. Administrative divisions of Gīlān.

Figure 3. The Safīdrūd valley, Gīlān province.

Figure 4. Gowharrūd Valley showing location and topography of Marlik Tepe.

Plate I. View of Marlik Tepe and its environs. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate II. Pitcher with long spout. Gray pottery. Height: 25 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān (Mūza-ye Mellī). (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate III. Gold bowl with winged bulls. Height: 18 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate IV. Gold bowl with griffins and winged bulls. Height: 19 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate V. Gold beaker with unicorns. Height: 17.5 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate VI. Female pottery figurine holding spouted vessel to chest. Height: 37.5 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate VII. Hollow gold bust of king. Height: 11.7 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate VIII. Figurine of humped bull with gold earrings. Red pottery. Height 23 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate IX. Bronze model of oxen with yoke and plow. Length: 20 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate X. Gold pendant with granulated cage. Height: 3.8 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Plate XI. Necklace of gold pomegranates and red carnelian beads. Length: 25 cm. Mūza-ye Īrān Bāstān. (Photograph courtesy of E. O. Negahban.)

Figure 5. Gilān in the early modern period (after Rabino, 1917, p. 488). Map generated using ArcView GIS software. Data sources: Digital Chart of the World, 1993, and ArcWorld 1:3m, 1992, ESRI, Inc. (topographical data not available for all locations).

Plate XII. Detail of the wooden sarcophagus in the first chamber of the Čahār Pād&scaronāhān shrine in Lāhījān (#19). After Sotūda, II, plate 75.

Plate XIII. Antique faience tiles on the dado of the ayvān of the Čahār Pād&scaronāhān shrine (#19). After Sotūda, II, plate 84.

Plate XIV. Mural in the shrine of Āqā Sayyed Moḥammad int the village of Pīnčā in Āstāna (#23) illustrating the Prophet&rsquos ascension (meʿrāj) to heaven. After Sotūda, II, plate 149.

Plate XV. Detail of the wooden sarcophagus in Zanjīr Āstāna, the shrine of Sayyed ʿAlī Ḡaznavī at the village of Tajen Gūka in Lāhījān (#26). After Sotūda, II, plate 136.

Plate XVI. The shrine of ʿAwn b. Moḥammad in Māsūla (#36). After Sotūda, I, plate 61.

Plate XVII. Mural in the shrine of Bābā Walī in Deylamān (#39) illustrating the Prophet&rsquos ascension. After Sotūda, II, plate 20.

Plate XVIII. The interior of Ṣafī/&Scaronahīdīya Mosque in Ra&scaront (#44). After Sotūda, I, plate 173.

Plate XIX. Pyramidal roof of the tomb of of Shaikh Tāj-al-Dīn Zāhed Gīlānī at &Scaronayḵānavar (#64). After Sotūda, II, plate 123.

Plate XX. Murals illustrating religious scenes the shrine of Āqā Sayyed Ḥosayn and Āqā Sayyed Ebrāhīm at Fo&scaronkālī Maḥalla in Langarūd (#70). After Sotūda, II, plate 167.

Plate XXI. he wooden lattice transenna in the shrine of Āqā Mīr &Scaronahīd at the Ordūbāzār quarter of Lāhījān (#79). After Sotūda, II, plate 55.

Plate XXII. The pulpit and the prayer niche in Akbarīya Mosque, Lāhījān (#82). After Sotūda, II, plate 70.

Figure 1. Property holder cleaning a length of canal proportional to the size of his rice field. Sefidrud delta area, April 2000, courtesy of the author.

Figure 2a. Harrowing the rice field before transplanting, witha board drawn by a horse. Sefidrud delta area, May 1993, courtesy of the author.

Figure 3. The thickness of water reaches 10 cm over the course of plant growth. Sarāvān area, June 2003, courtesy of the author.

Figure 4. The rice field has been drained before weeding. Sefidrud delta area, June 1996, courtesy of the author.

Figure 2. Two examples of domestic enclosures in the Gilān plain.

Figure 4. A rich farmer&rsquos house with two tālārs in Sadeh (the inner plain of central Gilān).

Figure 5. Formal and semantic organization of the house.

Figure 6. House in Deylamān, 1972.

Map 1. House foundations and bases. The black symbols indicate various ways of raising the house above the ground.

Map 2. Distribution of the main types of house walls. Log walls are always covered with daub in the plain, never in the alpine meadows (summer chalets).

Map 3. Distribution of roof types and covering materials.

Map 4: Distribution of the main types of rice barns and different methods of drying rice.

Plate I. Silkworm nursery (telembār) in the Langarud district, spring 1996. Courtesy of the author.

Plate II. House in the northern Ra&scaront district with a hipped roof and two tālārs, 1974. Courtesy of the author.

Plate III. A two-story house with a pointed roof in the Safidrud delta, 1974. Courtesy of the author.

Plate IV. House from central plain, February 1974. Courtesy of the author.

Plate V. Winter house of herdsmen in southern Ṭāle&scaron, the upper floor of which is reserved for the livestock which reach it by a logged ramp, 1974. Courtesy of the author.

Plate VI. Pārgā, shepherd&rsquos abode in southern Ṭāle&scaron, winter 1974. Courtesy of the author.

Plate VII. Rough-logged, shingle covered summer cabin in southern Ṭāle&scaron, summer 1972. Courtesy of the author.

Plate VIII. Houses with flat roofs in Keli&scaronom, a southern district of Gilān, summer 1972. Courtesy of the author.

Figure 1 Enclosure with several households in a village of Gilān central plain (1982).

GILĀN xiii. Kinship and Marriage

Plate I. ʿAqd, Gilān plain, spring 2000 (courtesy of the author)

GILĀN xiii. Kinship and Marriage

Plate IIa. Marriage, Gilān plain, spring 1996 (courtesy of the author).

GILĀN xiii. Kinship and Marriage

Plate IIb. Marriage, Tāle&scaron, autumn 2007 (courtesy of the author).

GILĀN xiii. Kinship and Marriage

Plate III. Hanābandon, Gilān 2000 (courtesy of the author).

Plate I 1. Cradle in a house in Sarāvān, January 1991 (courtesy of the author).

Plate II. Cemetery located in front of the mosque and equidistant from the two main hamlets, Laskukālaye, Safidrud delta, April 1996 (courtesy of the author).

Plate III. Tomb of a &scaronahid (martyr) of the Iran-Iraq War, Laskukālaye, Safidrud delta, April 1996 (courtesy of the author).

Plate IV. Mourning ceremony on the haftom (seventh day after death), Amiranda, Āstāna area, March 2000 (courtesy of the author).

Plate V. A sofra with the haft sin and local specialties (nun-e berenji, etc.) in Lelevejesar, Caspsian shore, close to Kiā&scaronahr, March 1997 (courtesy of the author).

Plate VI. A band of strolling players of taʿzia, Fuman area, June 2003 (courtesy of the author).

Plate VII. Processions of groups of penitents in Āstāna during ʿA&scaronurā, 1974 (courtesy of the author).

Plate VIII. Crossing the pol-e ṣerāṭ on the back of a goat, Lāhijān area, April 2000 (courtesy of the author).

Plate IX. To chase away the evil eye, eggshells are placed on branches in the garden, Laskukālaye, Safidrud delta, April 2002 (courtesy of the author).

Plate X. A&scarontak, Gilān central plain, April 2000 (courtesy of the author).

Plate XI. Lafenbāzi, Dama&scaronk, Gilān mountains, June 2008 (courtesy of the author).

Plate XII. Ko&scaronti gila-mardi, Āstāna area, July 2007 (courtesy of the author).

Plate I. Dobara, Gilan plain, 1996 (courtesy of the author).

GILAN xvii. Gender Relations

Plate II. Man and woman preparing the ground of the nursery, Gilan plain, 1993 (courtesy of the author).

GILAN xvii. Gender Relations

Plate III. Feeding silkworms with mulberry leaves, Gilan plain, 1996 (courtesy of the author).

GILAN xvii. Gender Relations

Plate IV. Men milking goats in Gerdesāya, Ṭāle&scaron mountains, 1972 (courtesy of the author).

GILAN xvii. Gender Relations

Plate V. Men gathering around a ha&scarontak game, Gilan plain, 2000 (courtesy of the author).

Figure 1. Spade. a: ḵelik, celā(b)ru: (1) dasta, (2) tiqa. b: ḵelik, cela(b)ru: (1) dasta, (2) tiqa. c: gerbāz: (1) dasta, (2) pācu, (3) tiqa. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 2. Billhook. a: dās. b: dās of Gāle&scaron shepherds: (1) dasta, (2) tiqa. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 3. Sickle: dāra. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 4. Drying paddy by suspending the sheaves over beams: (1) ḵārek, (2) ḵārekču, (3) darz (sheaf). (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 5. Structure of a pointed roof with four equal sides. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 7. An ard from the Ra&scaront area (kāvol): (l) mo&scarontaka, (2) &scaronāna, (3) kulusa, gal&scaronu, (4) āhansa, āhansar, (5) rāstadār, (6) pi&scaronāzan. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 8. An ard from the delta area (gājema): (1) mu&scaronta, mo&scarontak, (2) &scaronāna, (3) kunusa, galvāč, (4) āhansat, āhinsar, (5) rāstadār, sartawl, tāval, (6) lāfansar, katāvsar. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 9. Types of plowing in the rice fields. a1: a&scaronkel, porkani, &scaronoḵm. a2: dobāra, dokula, vākār. a3: urān, sekār, kār-a-kun. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 10. A Tāle&scaroni ard ḵi&scaron: ): (1) oskolan, (2) pi&scaronāzan čub, (3) gāvāhan, (4) rā&scarontdār, lat. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 11. Yokes from the Gilan plain. a: single-ox, wooden yoke (lap, jat). b: single-horse, fabric yoke. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 12. Double-bow yoke (Deylamān): (1) jet, (2) samaču. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 13. Harrow (pi&scaronkāvol, lot): (1) ma&scarontaka, mo&scaronteka, mo&scarontaka, (2) &scaronuna, &scaronāna, (3) pi&scaronkāvol. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 14. Hand harow (tanda, darmārda) used to complete the leveling operation. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 15. Storehouse (kuruj, telembār, Ra&scaront area): (1) kulasakat, (2) sarsakat, (3) ajār, lattice of branches placed in front of the entry, (4) sar, roof. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 16. Storehouse (kanduj, delta area): (1) ḵāk and cine, foundation of daub and stone, (2) rit, small beams, (3) tāḵte, board, (4) linga, post, (5) par, rat guard made from a wooden dish, (6) lār, (7) vā&scaronan, (8) paracub. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 17. Raised storehouse (kanduj, eastern plain): (1) ḵāk and cine, foundation of daub and stone, (2) lang, post, (3) kula, (4) sutun, (5) zigāl, (6) sar, roof. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 18. Flails. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 19. Ard (gādār) used in the Deylamān and Rudbār areas: (1) mo&scaronte, (2) culat, lat, (3) lat, latu, (4) gājemedār, gādār, (5) pi&scaronazen, (6) pilak kili, (7) kucekili. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 20. Pressing crushed olives between two planks (divarku). (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 21. Oil-pressing machine (dastgāh-e roḡan ke&scaroni): (1) balagerd, (2) bālak, (3) lafan, (4) taram, (5) dastelat, (6) ango&scarontak, iron hinge joining the two dastelats, (7) dastelat, (8) žāmen, (9) katreki, (10) pilaču, (11) kisa, containing the crushed olives. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Figure 22. Crushing the olives with a revolving vertical millstone (dastgāh-e piči): (1) čub, (2) sang-e piči, (3) jāl. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate I. Keeping one&rsquos balance when feeding the silkworms with branches of mulberry trees, Langarud area, 1996. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate II. An old form lying on a kura (brazier) used to dry tealeaves, Lāhijān area, 1996. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate III. Harrowing the rice field with a (pi&scaronkāvol), Safidrud delta area, 2000. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate IV. Covering the seed grain with branches of elder tree, Safidrud delta area, 2000. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate V. Transplanting (ne&scaronā) the seedlings, Amla&scaron area, 1993. (Courtesy of the author)

GILAN xviii. Rural Production Techniques

Plate VI. Two oxen, joined by a collar yoke, threshing the harvest, Deylamān area, 1972. (Courtesy of the author)

Figure 1. Loom (caption too long)

Figure 2. Loom (southern Ṭāle&scaron)

Figure 3. Treadle loom with two rows of heddles for weaving &scaronāl (Southern Tâlesh). Courtesy of the author.

Figure 4. A mat loom. (Courtesy of the author)

Figure 5a. A kiln, central Ṭāle&scaron. (Courtesy of the author)

Figure 5b. Upright kiln at Gildeh and Ḵortum: 1. āte&scaronḵāne, firebox 2. kure, chamber 3. dudke&scaron, flue 4. darb, opening into the chamber. (Courtesy of the author)

Figure 5c. Tunnel-shaped kiln: 1. dudke&scaron, flue 2. kure, chamber 3. zanburi, tuyere 4. ojāq, firebox. Courtesy of the author. Drawings after T. Achouri.

Figure 6. Potter&rsquos wheel at villages near Siāhkal: 1. sarčaḵ, turntable 2. mil, axle 3. tabag, flywheel. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate I. Loom (pāčāl) with treadles see also Figure 1. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate II. Čādor&scaronab fabric. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate III. Embroidery over the applied design. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate IV. Weaving rush mats. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate V. Bringing produce to market in large bskets (zanbil) on a pole (čān ču). (Courtesy of the author)

Plate VI. Pottery workshops using a potter&rsquos wheel. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate I. The bazaar of Rasht, 1993. Rice, dried seeds, fresh vegetables, olives, etc.: the basic dishes in Gilān are quite varied. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate II. Preparing re&scaronte ḵo&scaronkār, the bazaar of Rasht, 1996. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate III. A meal in an urban family, Rasht, 1996: fFish, kate, olives, etc. (Courtesy of the author)

Plate IV. Meal of sizdah be-dar, Safidrud delta, 2000. (Courtesy of the author)

Figure 1. John Borthwick Gilchrist (1759-1841). Bronze medal (diameter 57 mm) by Carl Friedrich Voigt, 1872-74. (Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, London, NPG 4064, CC-BY-NC-ND).

Figure 1. Arbāb Rostam and Marvārīd Ḵānom Giv. After Payk-e kankā&scaron no. 2, 1369 &Scaron./1990.

Plate I. Gīva. Photograph by J. Sadaqat-Kish.

Plate II. Special needle and thread used for making giva. Photograph by J. Sadaqat-Kish.

Plate III. Triangular cap (pi&scaron-panja) for reinforcing the upper tip of the giva. Photograph by J. Sadaqat-Kish.

Plate IV. Giva with reinforced tips. Photograph by J. Sadaqat-Kish.

Figure 1. Hypothetical limits of snowline in Persia. After Schweizer, 1970.

Plate I. Glass bowl with facet-cut decoration. Persia, 6th-7th century. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Islamische Kunst.

Plate II. Ewer with cut decoration. Persia, 9th - 10th century. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Islamische Kunst.

Plate III. Two glass jugs. Persia, 19th century. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Museum für Islamische Kunst.

Plate I. Contemporary painting by Ṣaniʿ-al-Molk showing (left to right) Mirzā ʿAbbās Khan, undersecretary of foreign affairs Lagowski, Russian chargé d&rsquoaffaires Comte de Gobineau Ḥaydar Effendi, Ottoman chargé d&rsquoaffaires Mirzā Saʿid Khan, minister of foreign affairs. From the former home of Ḵᵛāja-nuri after Gobineau, Lettres Persanes, ed. Duff, frontispiece.

Figure 1. Photograph of Robert Göbl.

Figure 1. General view of the graveyard.

Figure 2. Selection of burial goods: pottery and bronze axe-adze, shield and tubular supports.

Plate I. Silk painting with Persian motif.

GOL O BOLBOL ii. As a Decorative Theme in Persian Art

Plate II. Textile fragment with rose bushes and birds. Persia, first half of the 17th century. Metal-ground silk, twill weave. 26 x 20.125 in. The Brooklyn Museum of Art, 38.1. Purchased with funds from the A. A. Healy Fund.

GOL O BOLBOL ii. As a Decorative Theme in Persian Art

Plate III. Octagonal mirror-case. ʿAli-A&scaronraf (active 1730s-1780s) signed, &ldquoafter Moḥammad, ʿAli is the noblest.&rdquo Persia, probably Shiraz, dated 1165/1751. Opaque watercolor, crushed metallic pigment, and gold on lacquered pasteboard. The Brooklyn Museum of Art, 88.92. Gift of Mrs. Charles K. Wilkinson in memory of her husband.

GOL O BOLBOL ii. As a Decorative Theme in Persian Art

Plate IV. Qajar-period painting of a rose.

GOL O BOLBOL ii. As a Decorative Theme in Persian Art

Plate V. Mirror-case. Loṭf-ʿAli &Scaronirāzi (active 1802-71), signed &ldquowork of the most humble and lowly Loṭf-ʿAli.&rdquo Persia, probably Tehran, dated 1262/1845. Opaque watercolor, gilt pigment, crushed metallic pigment, and leather detailing on lacquered pasteboard, mirrored interior. 7.625 x 6.25 in. (front), 7.5 x 5.75 in. (inside). The Brooklyn Museum of Art, 36.940. Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Frederic B. Pratt.

Figure 1. Photograph of Ḥosayn Gol-Golāb.

Plate I. A ma&scaronq or practice piece in nastaʿlīq script signed by Ḡolām-Reżā Eṣfahāni and dated 1288/1871-72. 34 x 19.7 cm. After Moraqqaʿ-e zarrīn, Tehran, 1365 &Scaron./1986.

Figure 1. Majd-al-Din FaḵrāʾI (Golčin Gilāni).

Figure 1. Aḥmad Golčin Maʿāni.

Plate I. Gold bracelet with lion heads and crouching lion cubs. Ziwiye (Kurdistan), 7th century B.C.E. 2.5 inches wide × 3.625 in. diameter 254 g. Tehran, Iran Bastan Museum.

GOLD i. In Pre-Islamic Persia

Plate II. Gold cup with three lions. Kalār Da&scaront (Māzandarān), 8th-7th century. B.C.E. 4.875 in. h. × 4.5 in. diameter 238 g. Tehran, Iran Bastan Museum.

GOLD i. In Pre-Islamic Persia

Plate III. Gold bowl with name of Xerxes in trilingual inscription. Hamadān (?), 5th century B.C.E. 4.5 inches h. × 8 inches diameter 1.407 kg. Tehran, Iran Bastan Museum.

Plate IV. . Gold bracelet. Persia, Saljuq dynasty, 11th-12th century. Gold, 10.6 cm. diameter. Courtesy of the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Purchase, F1958.6.

Figure 1. Russo-Persian frontier in the Caucasus after the Treaty of Golestān (1813).

Figure 1. ʿAli-Akbar Golestāna.

Figure 2. Page of calligraphy by ʿAli-Akbar Golestāna in &scaronekasta-nastaʿliq script, dated 1317/1899-1900. After Honar o mardom, no. 145, 1353 &Scaron./1974, p. 88.

Figure 1. Dāwud Pirnia, artistic director of Golhā-ye javidān (1956-67). Photograph courtesy of Daryush Pirnia.

Figure 1. Ayatollah Moḥammad-Reżā Golpāyagāni. After Resālat al-Qorʾān, no. 14, 1414/1993, inside cover.

Figure 1. Abdülbaki Gölpınarlı. After Akün, p. 146.

Figure 1. Abbāsqoli Gol&scaronāʾiān. Photograph courtesy of Fereydun Gol&scaronāʾian.

Plate I. Two camels fighting. By Kamāl-al-Din Behzād. Gol&scaronan Album. MS Tehran, Golestān Palace Library, no. 1663, fol. 6 verso. Page size 40.6 × 25.1 cm. painting size 26 × 16.5 cm. After M.H. Semsār, p. 260.

Plate II. Calligraphy and marginal figures, including a self-portrait of Āqā Reżā (upper left ), dated Ramażān 1008/March-April 1600. MS Tehran, Golestān Palace Library 1663, fol. 105 recto. After Y. A. Godard, 1936, p. 14.

Figure 1. Hu&scaronang Gol&scaroniri, Tehran, 1971. Courtesy of Barbara Nestor.

Figure 1. Golsorḵi at his appeals court hearing. After Eṭṭelāʿāt 15, 1974, p. 63.

Figure 1. Plan of the Gonbad-e Qābus, after Ernst Diez, Churasanische Baudenkmäler, Berlin, 1918, p. 39

Map 1. The Sub-Province of Gonbad-e Qābus, based on Sāzmān-e Naq&scarona-bardāri-e Ke&scaronvar, Aṭlas-e melli-e Irān, Tehran, 1373 &Scaron./1994 and Okazaki, p. 10.

Plate I. View of the tomb, photo by the author.

Figure1. The &ldquoRed Tomb&rdquo (also known as Gonbad-e Qermez), in Marāḡa, Azerbaijan.

Figure 1. A map of Gondē&scaronāpur (&ldquoa tentative reconstruction of the plan,&rdquo based on an aerial photograph), after Adams and Hansen, pp. 58-59.

In-text. &ldquoGondophares symbol&rdquo on his coinage.

In-text. Device of Kujula Kadphises on his coinage.

Figure 1. The province of Gorgān (Golestān), based on Sāzmān-e Naq&scarona-bardāri-e Ke&scaronvar, Aṭlas-e melli-e Irān, Tehran, 1373 &Scaron./1994 and Okazaki, p. 10.

Figure 1. Aerial map of the old city of Gorgān (Jorjān), courtesy of the author.

Figure 1. Photograph of Iraj Gorgin.

Figure 2. Photograph of Iraj Gorgin.

Figure 3. Tamā&scaronā, a socio-cultural weekly magazine, 1971-72.

Figure 4. Jacket of the audio play &Scaronāzda kučulu.

Figure 5. Cover, Omid magazine, Los Angeles.

Figure 6. Gorgin at the international television network, KSCI.

Figure 7. Gorgin at Radio Azadi, Prague.

Figure 8. Gorgin&rsquos gravestone in Forest Lawn Memorial Park.

Figure 1. Rostam striking a white elephant with an ox-headed mace, from a &Scaronāh-nāma manuscript.

Figure 1. Richard James Horatio Gottheil, courtesy of the New York Public Library.

Plate I. Ground plan of Gowhar-&scaronād mosque (b) and the halls (c, d) connecting it to the mausoleum (a).

Plate II. Detail of the qebla ayvān with flanking minaret and mosaic faience revetment. Courtesy of Donald Wilber.

Figure 1. Sayyed Sādeq Gowharin,

Figure 1. Edvin Arvidovich Grantovskiĭ.

Plate I. The emblem of the official government newspaper, by Abu&rsquol-Ḥasan Ḡaffāri.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate II. The emblem of &Scaronaraf paper with a portrait on the front page.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate III. The emblem of the Trans-Iranian Railroad, by Frederick Talberg.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate IV. The emblem of Moʾassasa-ye gerāfic, by Mu&scaroneḵ Sarvari.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate V. lllustration of ʿAlamdār in the Ḥamla-ye ḥaydari.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate VI. A poster by Mortażā Momayyez.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate VII. The emblem of Reżā ʿAbbāsi Museum, by Momayyez with the cooperation of Moḥammad Eḥṣāʾi.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate VIII. A page in a printed edition of the &Scaronāh-nāma, by ʿAli-Aṣḡar Maʿsumi.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate IX. A movie poster, by Far&scaronid Meṯqāli.

GRAPHIC ARTS i. In the Qajar and Pahlavi Period

Plate X. A cartoon, by Kāmbiz Derambaḵ&scaron.

Plate I. Poster by Kāẓem Čalipā.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate II. Revolutionary poster (Chelkowski and Dabashi, pp. 144-45).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate III. Poster from the Hostage Crisis period.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate IV. Anti-America poster.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate V. War poster (Chelkowski and Dabashi, pp. 160-61).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate VI. War poster Chelkowski and Dabashi, pp. 159).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate VII. War poster (Gudarzi, pp. 172-73).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate VIII. War poster (Chelkowski and Dabashi, p. 164).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate IX. War poster (Chelkowski and Dabashi, p. 174).

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate Xa. Women's themes: postage stamp, 1985.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate Xb. Women's themes: poster.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate XI. Women's themes: postage stamp.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate XIIa. Women's themes: school textbook.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate XIIb. Women's themes: school textbook.

GRAPHIC ARTS ii. In the 1978-79 Revolution and Iran-Iraq War

Plate XIII. War billboard (Chelkowski and Dabashi, pp. 282-91).

Figure 1. Photograph of Basil Gray.

Figure 1. Photograph of Louis Herbert Gray.

Plate I. A page in the early 18th-century MS of Jāmi&rsquos Yusof o Zolayḵā, Bodleian Library Greaves 1, fol. 140v (courtesy of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford).

GREAT BRITAIN xi. Persian Art Collections in Britain

Plate II. Planispheric brass astrolabe, engaved and inlaid with silver, by ʿAbd-al-ʿAlī b. Moḥammad-Rafīʿ and his brother, Moḥammad-Bāqer, &Scaronaʿbān 1124/September 1712 British Museum, OA+369. Copyright The British Museum.

GREAT BRITAIN xi. Persian Art Collections in Britain

Plate III. Noah&rsquos ark. Ra&scaronid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh, Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ Il-khanid, Tabriz, 714/1313&ndash14 Khalili Collection, MS 727, fol. 285a (courtesy of Mr. Nasser Khalili).

GREAT BRITAIN xi. Persian Art Collections in Britain

Plate IV. A page from an anthology of divāns, copierʿAbd-al-Moʾmen ʿAlawi Kā&scaroni, Tabriz (?), Ḏu&rsquol-qaʿda 713-Ḏu&rsquol-qaʿda 714/February 1314&ndashFebruary 1315, Jonson MS132, fol. 12b, India Office Library and Records (courtesy of The India Office Libraryand Records, The British Library).

Figure 1. Photograph at the Persian Service of the BBC.

Figure 1. Isfahan College (Adab High School). Courtesy of Hassan Dehqani-Tafti.

Plate I. Cylinder seal impression from Daskyleion with royal audience scene, inscribed &ldquoArtaxerxes.&rdquo Drawing by B. Mussche of Daskyleion inv. no. Erg. 55. After AMI 22, 1989, p. 147, fig. 1.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate II. Persian bracteate design used as a shield device on an Attic cup, ca. 490 B.C.E. Courtesy of the Archaeological Collection, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, inv. no. B8.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate III. Achaemenid-style incense-burner on a Clazomenaean hydria fragment, ca. 540 B.C.E. Athens National Museum 5610. After E. Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen III (Munich, 1923), fig. 147.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate IV. Horse with Persian horse trappings on a fragmentary 6th-century B.C.E. East Greek bowl. Masat Höyük inv. no. 77/105. After T. Özgüç, Masat Höyük II: A Hittite Center Northeast of Bogazköy, Ankara, 1982, pl. 64, 1b.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate V. Achaemenid style procession reliefs at Meydancikkale, 5th- or 4th-century B.C.E. Restored drawing by F. Laroche-Traunecker. After Les grands ateliers d&rsquoarchitecture dans le monde egéen du Ve siècle av. J.-C. (Istanbul, 1993), p. 27, fig. 7.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate VI. Attic bichrome horizontally-fluted &ldquoAchaemenid&rdquo phiale, ca. 520-500 B.C.E. Courtesy of Kassel Staatliche Museen, Inv.-Nr. T550.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate VII. Attic black-gloss &ldquocalyx cup&rdquo imitating the lobed Achaemenid deep bowl, 375-350 B.C.E. Photograph courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens: Agora Excavations, inv. no. P 16828.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate VIII. Attic black-gloss cylindrical beaker with horizontal flutes, ca. 450 B.C.E. Courtesy of Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, inv. no. B881.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate IX. Attic black-gloss &ldquoPheidias&rdquo mugs with petal-grooving in imitation of lobes, 450-425 B.C.E. Photograph courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens: Agora Excavations P 18288 (left) and P 10980.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate X. Procession of Priam&rsquos gift-bearers to Greek hero Achilles on an Attic skyphos, ca. 490 B.C.E. Courtesy of Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. IV 3710.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate XI. The mythical King Midas of Phrygia depicted as the Great King on an Attic stamnos, ca. 440 B.C.E. Copyright The British Museum, London, inv. no. E447.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate XII. Griffin attacking Arimasps on an Attic pelike, 400-375 B.C.E. Courtesy of the Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, P 1863.14 = St. 1873.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate XIII. Greek girl on the left wears both ependytes and kandys on an Attic chous, ca. 390-380 B.C.E. Courtesy ofMuseo Civico Archeologico, Bologna, PU 295.

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate XIV. Seated Greek lady wears sleeved chiton, attended by fan-bearer, on an Attic lekythos, ca. 420-410 B.C.E. Paris, Musée du Louvre S 1660. Photo: M. Chuzeville. Copyright Réunion des Musées Nationaux/Art Resource, NY

GREECE ii. Greco-Persian Cultural Relations

Plate XV. Attendant bears parasol for child in Greek religious procession, on an Attic lekythos, 480-470 B.C.E. Courtesy of Paestum, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Salerno. From Contrada di Pila.

Plate I. Pebble mosaic in the residential quarter of the royal palace of Ay Khanum (provided by the author, courtesy of MDAFA).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate II. Stone and marble statue of Aphrodite Anadyomene, from Nisa (courtesy of V. Terebenine).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate III. Statue of a youth from Ay Khanum (in Bernard, CRAI, courtesy of MDAFA, R. and S. Michaud).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate IV. Clay head from the temple with indented niches of Ay Khanum (courtesy of MDAFA, and R. and S. Michaud).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate IX. Indo-Greek didrachm of Agathocles (after Audouin and Bernard, p. 9).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate V. Coin of Demetrios (courtesy of Osmund Bopearachchi).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate VI. Votive altar with Marsyas, dedicated to the River-God Oxus, from Taḵt-e sangin (courtesy of V. Terebenine).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate VII. Head of a prince, from Dalíverzin Tepe(courtesy of V. Terebenine).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate VIII. Head of a Saka, from Khalchayan (courtesy of V. Terebenine).

GREECE viii. Greek Art in Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Northwest India

Plate X. Kushan gold stater of Kanishka I, with Śakyamuni Buddha on the reverse. Copyright British Museum, India Office Collection 289.

Figure 1. Alexander Griboedov, courtesy of Bakrushin Theatre Museum in Moscow, after L. Kelly.

Figure 1. Artist at his 14th St. Studio, New York City, 1962 (Grigorian, 1989, p. 17).

Figure 2. Holocaust series, Twelve 6 ×10 feet murals, 1957-59 (The Gate of Auschwitz, York, 2002).

Figure 3. Four Sangak Bread, 42&Prime × 42&Prime, Nelson A. Rockefeller Collection, New York, 1976 (Grigorian, 1989, p. 111).

Figure 4. Marcos and Vahe Grigorian, Ara and Shamiramis Uraptu, 120 × 120 cm designed 1957, woven 1987 (Grigorian, 1999).

Figure 5. Abgousht Dizy, E. Khachataurian, Paris, 27 × 28 cm, 1968 (Grigorian, 1989, p. 107).

Figure 1. Photograph of René Grousset.

Figure 1. Ignazio Guidi, after Collini, p. 203.

Figure 1. Beginning of &ldquoChronicom anonymum&rdquo in Chronica Minora I, Paris, 1903, text, p. 15 tr., p. 15.


Sources

John Curtis, ed., Bronzeworking Centres of Western Asia, c. 1000-539 B.C. (London & New York: Kegan Paul / British Museum, 1988).

P. R. S. Moorey, Materials and Manufacture in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Evidence of Archaeology and Art: Metals and Metalwork, Glazed Materials and Glass, British Archaeological Reports (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).

Oscar White Muscarella, Bronze and Iron: Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Press, 1985).


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