Indianapolis Str - History

Indianapolis Str - History

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Indianapolis I

(Str: dp. 16,900; 1. 439'6"; b. 60'; dr. 28'1/2"; s. 11 k.; cpl.70

Indianapolis was launched 4 July 1918 by Pusey & Jones, Gloucester, N.J., for USSB; delivered to the Navy Department 12 December 1918; and commissioned the same day at the Philadelphia Navy Yard, Et. Comdr. J. M. Masury, USNRF, in command.

Attached to NOTS, Indianapolis carried cargo to Europe—Philadelphia to England and Holland—returning to Norfolk (28 December 1918~23 February 1919); and Norfolk to France and back (31 March-22 June 1919). She decommissioned 9 July 1919, and was returned to USSB at Norfolk the same day.

Indianapolis Str - History

A local developer plans to tear down part of the Indianapolis Star’s downtown headquarters while saving most of the building in a redevelopment that calls for 350 apartments—more units than the massive CityWay.

TWG Developement is finalizing a deal with Star parent Gannett Co. to purchase the 190,000-square-foot-building at 307 N. Pennsylvania St. and its 500-space parking garage, real estate sources said.

Virginia-based Gannett considered about a half-dozen offers on the building in early March and since has chosen TWG Developement’s plan, the sources said. Gannett put the building on the market in July after it determined the newspaper no longer needed such a large space.

The proposal calls for 350 apartments housed within the Star building and another, new structure that would be built near the parking garage at the corner of Delaware and New York streets. The project also would include a small retail component that might attract a restaurant or bank. It’s unclear how much the project might cost.

The structure actually is four different buildings made to look like one with the addition of a brick façade.

Part of the southern portion of the building—a small wood structure with a different floor elevation—is the only piece slated for demolition. Whitsett does not plan to keep the building’s brick façade.

A non-disclosure agreement limits what the locally based developer can divulge about its proposal, noted company founder Joe Whitsett.

The company is working with local architecture firm Browning Day Mullins Dierdorf Architects on a preliminary design and may be ready to share more details in July, he said.

“Our intention is to not demolish the building,” Whitsett said. “I’m too much of a green developer to tear it all down.”

That’s contrary to what some real estate experts had anticipated.

Brokers at Summit Realty, for instance, predicted in a recent downtown market report that, due to reuse challenges, “the existing facility is expected to go the demolition route with the garage likely staying.”

Fellow apartment developer David Flaherty of Flaherty & Collins thinks Whitsett’s approach makes sense.

“Joe’s expertise is taking older buildings and turning them into apartments,” Flaherty said. “That wouldn’t surprise me at all if he tried to save the building. There are financial benefits to doing that.”

TWG Developement, primarily an affordable-housing developer, likely will need to find a partner to raise funds for the project, according to real estate sources who say Browning Investments is a prime candidate.

“We’re on our own right now,” Whitsett said. “Whether we bring someone in at some point, I don’t know.”

Officials at Browning declined to comment.

The two firms have an existing relationship. A Whitsett-Browning team is one of six bidders vying to redevelop a portion of the former Market Square Arena site. And Browning executive Dennis Dye is leaving the company later this month to join TWG Developement as a partner.

If Whitsett’s Star project is completed, it would rank among the largest apartment communities downtown, trailing only Riley Towers (525 units), Lockefield Gardens (493 units) and The Gardens on Canal Court (421 units), data from Tikijian Associates shows.

Whitsett declined to say how large the newly constructed building might be. But it’s unlikely it would rise above five stories—retail on the ground level and residential above—because building costs become too expensive.

What worked in 1963, when Riley Towers was built, doesn’t work today—largely because stricter building codes make the cost of high-rise residential developments nearly impossible to justify, real estate experts say.

Local real estate developers and brokers have said finding a reuse could be tricky for the Star’s labyrinth of buildings combined over the years with multiple floor levels, narrow hallways and a basement built to house printing presses.

Working in Whitsett’s favor is the prime location of the Star building—within shouting distance of both Monument Circle and Massachusetts Avenue, and a strengthening downtown real estate market.

“I think it will be a very welcome project for that area,” said Abbe Hohmann, president of Site Strategies Advisory. “I’m sure will do a nice job on the aesthetics.”

TWG Developement already is familiar with the area. It’s teaming with Indianapolis-based Ambrose Property Group to rehab the neighboring American Building at 333 N. Pennsylvania St. into 72 apartment units. Those tenants need a place to park, and the Star’s seven-story garage solves the problem.

Downtown, Whitsett also is partnering with Ambrose on a $16 million, 111-unit project dubbed 800 North Capitol Apartments, in addition to converting the 15-story Consolidated Building at 115 N. Pennsylvania St. into 98 apartments.

Founded in 2007, TWG Developement, LLC last year finished a $7.2 million project at 10th Street and Central Avenue with 86 apartments spread over a new building and the retrofitted former home of Central Products Inc.

The company also has begun construction on projects on the former home of Keystone Towers at Allisonville Road and Fall Creek Parkway and Winona Hospital at 3295 N. Illinois St.

At the Keystone Towers site, Whitsett plans to build up to 140 apartments in a $22.5 million project called The Point on Fall Creek. The hospital is to be replaced with the $6.5 million, 50-unit Illinois Place apartments.

For tax purposes, the Star building is assessed at $21.3 million. The Assessor’s Office assigns a more than $14 million value to the land alone and just $7 million to the improvements.

The building was listed by the local office of CBRE, charged with unloading the property and finding the Star’s 350-employee staff a smaller, leased space downtown more suited for a media property that has shed hundreds of employees as it adapts to the digital age. There was no asking price.

Real estate brokers say the Star is considering a few options as a new headquarters for its news operation: Artistry, the redeveloped former Bank One Operations Center by Milhaus Development CityWay by Buckingham Cos. Regions Tower and BMO Plaza.

The Star has called the brick-faced offices on North Pennsylvania Street home since 1907.

A new chapter for The Indianapolis Star’s building

The building that has housed the city’s largest newspaper for more than 100 years is poised to become one of the largest Downtown apartment developments under construction in Indianapolis.

The Indianapolis Star and local developer TWG Developement, LLC announced Friday they are close to finalizing the sale of the newspaper’s four-acre Pennsylvania Street property. The Star is looking for a new Downtown location that better suits its needs in a digital age.

Whitsett’s mixed-use project would include three five-story buildings with up to 500 apartments and some ground-floor retail. It would be the latest and largest in a Downtown apartment boom that already includes a dozen large rental properties in various stages of development.

“The Downtown multifamily market is really hot,” said Deron Kintner, the city’s deputy mayor for economic development. “There doesn’t appear to be any signs of it slowing down.”

In total, about 2,000 units are under construction Downtown, said Brad Hurt, a real estate development consultant with Indianapolis Downtown Inc.

He said the boom isn’t expected to slow down anytime soon. The 4,800 existing apartments Downtown currently rent for an average of about $1.24 per square foot and are about 96.5 percent occupied, he said.

“Those are the highest rents and the lowest vacancy rates we’ve seen in the Downtown market,” he said.

The new project on The Star site would add another 400 to 500 units and would rent for $1.50 to $1.75 a square foot, said Whitsett principal Tony Knoble. The mix of studio, one-bedroom and two-bedroom units hasn’t been decided, he said.

“We plan to integrate our project into Mass Ave. and Downtown,” he said. “It’s a very premier location.”

Terms of the deal with The Star’s parent company, Virginia-based Gannett Co., weren’t disclosed.

TWG Developement’s decision to retain part of the existing structure surprised many in the development community, where the consensus was that The Star’s 190,000-square-foot headquarters at 307 N. Pennsylvania St., with its interconnected buildings and cavernous printing press area, would be knocked down to clear the way for new development.

But Whitsett plans to take advantage of the site’s history, said Dennis Dye, a principal with the developer. Whitsett specializes in reusing old buildings.

“The location and historic presence will be attractive to urban residents,” he said.

Browning Day Mullins Dierdorf Architects will be the project’s architectural firm.

Indianapolis Star President and Publisher Karen Crotchfelt praised the developer’s plans.

“We’re excited about the vision that TWG Developement has for the property,” she said. “It will preserve important pieces of history and will add to the continued evolution of a dynamic Downtown.”

The site has some big advantages, experts say. In addition to being across the street from University Park and at the end of the Mass Ave. cultural district, it also is close to business offices around Monument Circle. And it has a seven story, 500-space parking garage.

The project also makes a lot of sense for Whitsett, which already is redeveloping the adjacent American Building, a 79-unit apartment project. Once it has control of The Star’s property, it will control the entire block bounded by Pennsylvania, Vermont, Delaware and New York streets.

Whitsett’s plans call for a phased construction approach. The first phase would include a new apartment building on the southeast corner nearest Massachusetts Avenue, which is now a parking lot. That building would include an outdoor courtyard and retail on the first floor. Whitsett hopes to break ground on that portion as early as September.

The second and third phases would include two more apartment buildings and integrate The Star’s headquarters building, though the interior would be demolished. The area that once housed the newspaper’s printing presses would be converted to additional indoor parking. The buildings also would feature an indoor swimming pool and another outdoor courtyard.

Details of the final purchase agreement are still being worked out. The Star would be permitted to continue occupying the space through mid-2014, Knoble said. About 650 employees of The Star and Gannett work in the building.

The Star moved to the location in 1907, four years after it began publishing. The building also housed The Indianapolis News until the paper was closed in 1999.

The Star won two Pulitzer Prizes while housed on Pennsylvania Street: one in 1975 for revealing widespread corruption in the Indianapolis Police Department and another in 1991 for an investigation of medical malpractice.

The News won a Pulitzer in 1932 before it was acquired by The Star’s longtime owner, the late Eugene C. Pulliam, in 1948. In 1949, Pulliam moved The News to the Pennsylvania Street location, where it shared production and business operations with The Star, even though the editorial departments remained separate and fiercely competitive.

In 2000, The Star was acquired by Gannett. In 2002, the printing operations moved to the Pulliam Production Centre on Georgetown Road. In February 2012, the company sold the American Building.

Crotchfelt announced in July that the company was putting the Pennsylvania Street property up for sale.

A new location for the multimedia news and information provider has not been announced, but Crotchfelt said the company is committed to keeping Star employees Downtown.

Made in Indianapolis

Perhaps the most frequent question about the city’s auto history is: “How many cars were made in Indianapolis?” Before answering that question, a word of caution about automotive lists:

Compiling lists about the automotive genesis is an imprecise art. There is no single source of information for the American automobiles’ progression. Some reference works are fairly complete regarding makes, manufacturers, cities and dates. These same works may miss some instances where a manufacturer’s model is built in a plant other than that company’s main places of business. For example Ford Motor Company made cars in Indianapolis from 1914 – 1932.

The work is further compounded by list compilers who chose to include instances where only one car was made by an individual whether or not it was manufactured in quantity. In Indiana’s case, for every one vehicle achieving production about two announcements of intent to manufacture or build a prototype were proclaimed.

Early Indiana lists started at 160 makes made in more than 30 cities and have progressed to over 520 vehicles manufactured or assembled in more than 80 cities.

Only those vehicles built with the intent of marketing to the public are included in this list. In cases were no actual numbers are given, we counted the auto if a prototype was produced. Defined thus, our list shows 97 autos produced inIndianapolis. With this in mind, our list shows 22 better known manufacturers. The list also shows 54 little known or obscure manufacturers who produced one or a limited number of autos.

Another interesting point is we are continually learning about additional cars made inIndiana. That’s what makes automotive history continually interesting for me.

Cars built in Indianapolis sorted by Name

Indianapolis Alena Steam Alena Steam Products Co. 1922
Indianapolis American American Motors Co. 1906-14
Indianapolis American Scout American Motors Co. 1912-13
Indianapolis American Tourist American Motors Co. 1907-12
Indianapolis American Traveler American Motors Co. 1909-13
Indianapolis American Underslung American Motors Co. 1906-14
Indianapolis Anahuac Frontenac Motor Co. 1922
Indianapolis Atlas Motor Buggy Atlas Engine Works 1909
Indianapolis Automotive Syndicate Automotive Syndicate 1928
Indianapolis Best Best Automobile Co. 1908-10
Indianapolis Barth-Keith Barth-Keith Motor Car Co. 1919
Indianapolis Black C.H. Black Mfg. Co. 1896-1900
Indianapolis Blackhawk Stutz Motor Car Co. 1929-30
Indianapolis Brook Spacke Machine & Tool Co. 1920-21
Indianapolis Capital Capital Auto Co. 1906
Indianapolis Central Central Motor Car Co. 1903
Indianapolis Co-Auto Co-Auto Motor Co. 1910
Indianapolis Coats Steamer Coats Steamers Inc. 1921-22
Indianapolis Cole Cole Motor Car Co. 1909-25
Indianapolis Cole Solid Tire Auto. Cole Carriage Co. 1908-09
Indianapolis Colonial Six Colonial Automobile Co. 1917
Indianapolis Comet Comet Cyclecar Co. 1914
Indianapolis Comet Racer Marion Motor Car Co. 1904
Indianapolis Craig-Hunt Craig-Hunt Motor Co. 1920
Indianapolis Cross Harry E. Cross 1924
Indianapolis Cyclop L. Porter Smith & Bros. 1910
Indianapolis Cyclops Cyclops Cyclecar Co. 1914
Indianapolis DaVinci James Scripps-Booth 1925
Indianapolis De Freet Thomas M. De Freet 1895
Indianapolis Duesenberg Duesenberg Motors Corp. 1920-37
Indianapolis Duesenberg II Duesenberg Corp. 1966
Indianapolis Electro Electro Lighting Co. 1911
Indianapolis Electrobile National Vehicle Co. 1901-06
Indianapolis Elgin Elgin Motors Inc. 1923-24
Indianapolis Empire Empire Motor Car Co. 1909-19
Indianapolis Fauber Cyclecar Engineering Co. 1914
Indianapolis Ford Ford Motor Co. 1914-32
Indianapolis Frontenac Frontenac Motor Co. 1921-25
Indianapolis Gale Four Garde Gale 1920
Indianapolis H.C.S. H.C.S. Motor Co. 1920-25
Indianapolis H.C.S. Cab H.C.S. Cab Mfg. Co. 1924-27
Indianapolis Hassler Hassler Motor Co. 1917
Indianapolis Hassler Motor Buggy Robert H. Hassler 1898
Indianapolis Henderson Henderson Motor Car Co. 1912-14
Indianapolis Herff-Brooks Herff-Brooks Corp. 1915-16
Indianapolis Hoosier Scout Warren Electric & Machine Co. 1914
Indianapolis Hunter Riley & Scott, Inc. 1994
Indianapolis Hunter-Hammond Hunter-Hammond Auto Co. 1912
Indianapolis Ideal Ideal Motor Co. 1911-12
Indianapolis Indiana Indiana Motor & Vehicle Co. 1901
Indianapolis Indianapolis C. H. Black Mfg. Co. 1897-00
Indianapolis Lafayette Lafayette Motors Co. 1921-22
Indianapolis Lindsay T.J. Lindsay Automobile Parts Co. 1902-03
Indianapolis Liquid Air Liquid Air Co. 1900
Indianapolis Lyons-Knight Lyons-Atlas Co. 1913-15
Indianapolis Marathon Herff-Brooks Corp. 1915-16
Indianapolis Marion Marion Motor Car Co. 1904-14
Indianapolis Marmon Nordyke & Marmon Co. 1902-33
Indianapolis McGill McGee Mfg. Co. 1917-28
Indianapolis McLellen McLellen Auto Shop 1912
Indianapolis Merz Merz Cyclecar Co. 1914
Indianapolis Mohawk Mohawk Cycle & Automobile Co. 1903-05
Indianapolis Monroe William Small Co. 1918-23
Indianapolis National National Motor Vehicle Co. 1904-24
Indianapolis National Electric National Automobile & Electric Co. 1900-04
Indianapolis Nesom Nesom Motors Co. 1912
Indianapolis New Parry Parry Auto Co. 1911-12
Indianapolis Overland Standard Wheel Works 1905-06
Indianapolis Overland Overland Auto Co. 1906-08
Indianapolis Overland Willys-Overland Co. 1908-11
Indianapolis Pak-Age-Car Stutz Motor Co. 1930-38
Indianapolis Pan Pan Motor Co. 1919-21
Indianapolis Parry Parry Auto Co. 1910
Indianapolis Pathfinder Motor Car Mfg. Co. 1912-17
Indianapolis Peters Spacke Machine & Tool Co. 1921
Indianapolis Pope-Waverley Pope Motor Car Co. 1904-08
Indianapolis Premier Premier Motor Mfg. Co. 1903-26
Indianapolis Premier Taxicab Premier Motor Car Co. 1923-26
Indianapolis Prowler Prototype Riley & Scott, Inc. 1994
Indianapolis Rex Rex Motor Car Co. 1908
Indianapolis Roosevelt Marmon Motor Car Co. 1929-30
Indianapolis Schebler Wheeler & Schebler Carburetor Co. 1908-09
Indianapolis Sears Steam Sears Bros. 1901
Indianapolis Smart Smart Auto & Mfg. Co. 1912
Indianapolis Spacke Spacke Machine & Tool Co. 1919
Indianapolis Star Star Motor Car Co. 1909-11
Indianapolis Strattan Strattan Motors Corp. 1923
Indianapolis Streamline Streamline Motor Car Co. 1923
Indianapolis Stutz Stutz Motor Car Co. 1912-35
Indianapolis Tone Tone Car Corp. 1913
Indianapolis Tricolet H. Pokorney & Richards Auto. & Gas 1904-06
Indianapolis Turner George Turner 1910
Indianapolis Vaughn Marion E. Vaughn 1912
Indianapolis Vixen Vixen Motor Co. 1912
Indianapolis Waverley Waverley Co. 1909-16
Indianapolis WaverleyElectric Indiana Bicycle Co. 1898-1903
Indianapolis Wizard Wizard Motor Co. 1914

This list is courtesy of Indiana Cars: A History of the Automobile in Indiana, Dennis E. Horvath and Terri Horvath, Indianapolis, IN, Hoosier Auto Show & Swap Meet, Inc., © 2002, ISBN 0-9644364-5-0

Indianapolis was commercial producer of automobiles and taxicabs from 1896 to 1994. The circle city with 97 different vehicles manufactured here ranked second to Detroit as chief rival for the title of the nation’s auto capital. We can be proud of our place in automotive history.

Leland, Mich., and Naples, Fla.: Hoosier getaways

A fishing village founded on the northern shores of Lake Michigan during the 19th century and a Florida resort city on the Gulf of Mexico are miles apart both geographically and culturally, but share a distinction by virtue of their Indiana connections.

Hoosiers have long flocked to both towns as seasonal destinations, with the cottages of Leland, Mich., popular during the summer, while many "snowbirds" have escaped during Indiana's winters to Naples, Fla., or nearby locales including Marco Island and Sanibel, where thousands also have moved when they retired.

The entrepreneurial Ball brothers of Muncie and their families led the Hoosier migration to Leland during the early 1900s, followed by the extended family of Indianapolis novelist Booth Tarkington. A neighborhood in the village even became known as "Indiana Woods."

Although Naples also traces its beginnings to the 19th century, the influx of Hoosiers didn't begin until the late 1960s and '70s, when real estate developers targeted central Indiana residents with sales pitches about the construction of condominiums, apartments and houses. After retiring as a pro basketball player, Larry Bird was living in Naples when the Indiana Pacers reached out in 1997 and asked him to become the team's coach. Members of the Hulman family - long associated with the Indianapolis Motor Speedway - also are among Hoosiers who have owned or rented properties in the Naples area.

To explore the extensive Indiana links to Leland and Naples - both of which have neighborhoods listed on the National Register of Historic Places - Nelson will be joined by a guest who has deep connections to the two getaway destinations.

Indianapolis historian, educator and civic leader Jim Fadely plans to spend part of this summer in Leland for the 29th consecutive year. Jim, who is a former board president of Indiana Landmarks and the Society of Indiana Pioneers, is no stranger to Naples, either. The family of his wife, Sally, owned a condo there beginning in 1974 Jim and Sally Fadely inherited the residence and eventually sold it.

So many Hoosiers began spending part of the year in Naples and Marco Island during the 1970s that the former Indiana National Bank opened branches in the area. With an economy based heavily on tourism, Naples touts its "pristine white sand beaches," restaurants, historic Naples Pier and shopping opportunities.

Leland is more quaint and low key, noted for its historic cottages, cherry trees and vineyards, Jim Fadely reports. But he adds that in addition to the streams of Hoosier visitors and part-time residents, Leland has something else in common with Naples: the Lake Michigan water at Leland, which is on the Leelanau Peninsula, is aqua, just like parts of the Gulf of Mexico or the Caribbean Sea.

What people are saying about Hoosier History Live

In The Park: Ellenberger

Indianapolis’s Irvington neighborhood, located five miles east of downtown, is a well-established community. The quaint homes lining its streets have stood for decades. Neighbors share conversation over breakfast at local eateries like The Legend. It is home to Indiana’s oldest tree, the Kile Oak, a burr oak estimated to be between 300-400 years old. So it’s no surprise that Ellenberger Park, located on the north side of Irvington, is a community destination steeped in history and tradition.

One of Ellenberger Park’s two playgrounds

Ellenberger Park is a 42-acre stretch of land located at 5301 East St. Clair Street. It features two playgrounds, sand volleyball and tennis courts, baseball, softball, and football fields, and the Ellenberger Park Pool. The park hosts the popular Irvington Farmers Market on select Sundays during the spring through early fall months, featuring over 70 local vendors. On warm summer nights, patrons gather on picnic blankets to listen to live music and watch movies as part of the Indy Parks Concerts & Movies series.

Sunrise over Ellenberger Park

Aside from the playgrounds and sports facilities, the park remains largely untouched. Its southern border is formed by Pleasant Run creek. Evergreen, sycamore, and oak trees tower over the landscape. The rolling hills of Ellenberger Park make it a popular sledding destination in winter.

William Schneider, who spent many years working for Marion County and the City of Indianapolis, is seen pulling a sled with his young daughter, Evelyn. (Photo credit to

It turns out that the primitive design of Ellenberger Park was no accident. The land was originally owned by the Sandusky family as part of their sprawling 320-acre farm. John Ellenberger began tenant farming on the land in 1853. By 1865 he had purchased his own 160-acre plot from the Sanduskys and built a farmhouse near what would be 10 th Street today. Ellenberger was a generous community member and in 1882 began allowing families in the Irvington area to use the woods as an informal recreation site.

A map of Irvington. Ellenberger Park is on the north side of the map.

At the turn of the 20 th century, Indianapolis’s population was increasing rapidly, approaching 200,000 total residents. The demand for public services, including parks, was growing. The city purchased 32 acres of Ellenberger’s wooded property in 1909. The money was raised through a tax levied on eastside residents. The community initially balked at the tax hike after all, they argued, they had been using the area as a park for over 25 years. Despite the protest, the tax increase went into effect and the city bought the property for $500 per acre. Additional purchases of adjoining acreage made in 1911 and 1915 brought the park’s total area up to its present size.

In 1908 the city of Indianapolis hired famed urban planner and landscape architect George Edward Kessler to develop the area as part of a citywide park system. He had previously designed impressive parks for St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Kansas City. Eager to compete with these other up-and-coming cities, Indianapolis sought Kessler’s expertise. He spent a year studying the city and took into consideration the public’s desire to have smaller, regional parks that served individual neighborhoods. His Park and Boulevard Plan included parks in every major area of town connected by parkways.

The bridge spanning Pleasant Run creek connects Ellenberger Park with the Pleasant Run Parkway

Kessler’s design was not only beautiful, but also practical. It allowed for thoughtful urban growth, prevented erosion and water pollution, and provided flood control. The layout was set on a diagonal, providing a contrast to the strict grid system utilized in residential areas.

A painting of Ellenberger Park by H.F. Pressnall, 1931

Kessler wanted to preserve the natural beauty of the Ellenberger woods. Instead of extensive plantings and monuments, the trees that stood when Ellenberger first arrived at the property would remain. Pleasant Run creek served as a primitive swimming area and existing artesian wells were turned into simple stone fountains. An article in the Indianapolis Star stated of Kessler:

“He would not even put park walks through it, but would allow the old woodland paths, which were worn there years ago by feet now grown old, to still be paths for younger feet.” (November 28, 1917)

The wooded grounds of Ellenberger Park make it a popular spot for birdwatchers

Ellenberger Park experienced a brief identity crisis in the 1920’s. The Board of Parks (now Indy Parks) voted to rename it in 1922, to honor Dr. Henry Jameson, who served as chairman of the Board during the planning and construction phases of the successful Kessler Park System. Irvington residents protested the change, wanting to maintain the Ellenberger family’s legacy. This time their objections were heard the name was changed back to Ellenberger Park in 1926.

In 1927 the Board of Parks began construction of the Ellenberger Park pool on the north side of the park, completing the project in 1930. It went through an extensive rehabilitation in 1974 and the pool house and changing area were added.

The lifeguard stands are empty today, but Ellenberger Park pool remains busy during the summer months

The Ellenberger Park Ice Rink was installed as an outdoor skating facility in 1962. The rink was enclosed during renovation of the pool.

The mural on the Ellenberger Park pool house, dated 2009

This precious community asset is in need of further improvements. It lacks covered picnic areas and public restroom facilities. The once-popular ice rink closed in 2009 when improvements were deemed too costly. Signs along Pleasant Run creek warn visitors not to swim in its waters due to potential sewage runoff. There is no spectator seating around the baseball diamonds and football fields.

One of the many birdhouses seen on trees around Ellenberger Park

Yet signs of community involvement remain. A mural dated 2009 graces the back of the pool house and is signed by children participating in Indy Park’s summer programs. Birdhouses placed around the park attract nesting birds. Neighbors wave at each other as they jog along the wooded trails. In the 1980’s, Indy Parks proposed a renovated parking area but neighbors fought the expansion because the plans eliminated the park’s beloved sledding hill.

Local residents dropped off their Christmas Trees at the Ellenberger Park park lot in January. Indy Parks will reuse the trees to create habitats for fish in lakes and ponds at various city parks .

Ellenberger Park is, above all, a place where families and friends gather for socialization, exercise, and spirited competition. It is an oasis of unspoiled nature in the midst of a tightly-knit residential area. Continued engagement from neighbors can help ensure that Ellenberger Park and the City’s other parks remain places for rest and recreation for many pairs of younger feet in years to come.

Indianapolis Str - History

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The Indianapolis star has the Muncie- born railroad entrepreneur George McCulloch as his spiritual father. The newspaper, which first appeared on June 6, 1903 and contained a greeting from President Theodore Roosevelt , was published daily from the start and competed with the Indiana Journal and the Indiana State Sentinel . By 1907, the Indianapolis Star had bought both older newspapers or pushed them out of the market. In that year he also moved into the editorial building on the corner of New York and Pennsylvania Street, which was in use until 2014. Since then, the newspaper has been based at the Circle Center. As early as 1904 McCulloch had to sell the Indianapolis Star to Daniel G. Reid , as he made losses due to low prices. Reid was a very successful tinplate manufacturer, hiring John Shaffer of the Chicago Post as publisher and editor . Shaffer, who was awarded a majority stake in the Indianapolis Star in a 1908 court case , was the head of the paper until his death in 1943. Under his aegis, the paper gained the reputation of being the “newspaper for businessmen” and advocated social and economic reforms. Well-known journalists for the Indianapolis Star during this period were Mary E. Bostwick , who was in the tradition of Nellie Bly , and political columnist Maurice Early. The writer Booth Tarkington wrote regularly for this newspaper.

In 1944 the publisher and radio entrepreneur sat Eugene C. Pulliam against competing offers by and bought the Indianapolis Star and the Muncie Star for 2.35 million dollars . Pulliam revised the newspaper concept in order to be better able to compete against the evening newspapers Indianapolis News and Indianapolis Times . To this end, a section for women was created, the sports section expanded and a Sunday supplement initiated, which was discontinued in 1985 due to a lack of advertising income . Pulliam also managed to poach popular columnist Lowell Nussbaum from the Indianapolis Times . He was not afraid of controversy and regularly wrote editorials. By 1947, the Indianapolis Star became the highest-circulation newspaper in Indiana, and holds that position to this day. After his death in 1975, his son Eugene S. Pulliam became the newspaper's new editor. When he died, the media company Gannett bought the Indianapolis Star in 2000 .

In 1975, the Indianapolis Star won a Pulitzer Prize for a series of articles on corruption within the Indianapolis police force that began in February 1974. Another Pulitzer Prize followed in 1991. In this case, a report was awarded about doctors in Indiana who, despite lost trials for malpractice, continued to practice without being prosecuted.

The Devil in the Old Northside

As time passes, any city of size will accumulate ghosts of those who have passed through it, and Indianapolis is no different. Whether it be Teddy Roosevelt speaking from the Circle in 1902, the Beatles performing at the State Fairgrounds in 1964 or Elvis’ final performance at Market Square Arena in 1977, Indy has its share of sites where the famous, or in this case, infamous, have tread. Scattered about the Circle City are a handful locations touched by an odd, olive-skinned and raven-haired boy from Lynn, Indiana, turned influential cult leader, whose actions cost the lives of nearly a thousand followers and spawned the cautionary phrase “don’t drink the Kool-Aid.”

James Warren Jones was born in the microscopic town of Crete, Indiana on May 13th, 1931, though he would spend his childhood in nearby Lynn, 15 miles north of Richmond, IN. Growing up, neither parent took a particular interest in young Jim. His father, James Thurman, a veteran of WWI, suffered from exposure to mustard gas in France and his mother Lynetta, college educated and ambitious, had once had aspirations well beyond how her life had turned out. Left to fend for himself, Jim would roam Lynn, haunting its library, soaking up anything he could read and slipping into services at a variety of local churches, a few of whom urged the raven haired boy with the silver tongue up to the pulpit to read scripture to the delight of the congregation.

Jim Jones’ Richmond High School Senior picture

The Jones family moved to Richmond as Jim entered high school where he cultivated a reputation as a thick-skulled intellectual, who usually insisted his ideas were correct and who frequently exerted his will upon his peers as if testing his power. While working as an orderly at Reid Memorial Hospital in Richmond, Jones met a young nurse named Marceline Baldwin whom he enchanted before leaving for Bloomington to attend Indiana University. It was at IU that the less than popular Jones attended a speech by former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt about the plight of blacks in America that made an impression upon him. He married Marceline–surprising her family when he announced his intent to join the ministry–and relocated with his new bride to Indianapolis in 1951.

Jones in 1953, leading an interdenominational television broadcast. Photo: Indianapolis Star

According to several different sources, in June 0f 1952, Jones took a position as a student pastor at Somerset Methodist Church. Details about this church and its exact location of this church remain a mystery. Some sources spell “Somerset” with the one “M”, others two, it was said to be on Indy’s southeast side near Beech Grove, possibly on South Keystone Ave., however after much research, the exact location has yet to present itself.

Jones, from an April 10, 1954 Indianapolis Star article, poses with two of the monkeys he sold door to door to finance his fledgling congregation. – Photo: The Indianapolis Star

Regardless of Somerset’s exact locale, while there, Jones gained a small amount of notoriety for selling small monkeys that he imported from South America and sold door to door for $29 each. This odd side-business made the front page of the Indianapolis Star in April of 1954 when he refused to pay for a shipment of monkeys that had died on their voyage to the U.S. His notoriety grew as he pressed his church to allow African-Americans to attend services, which they resisted mightily, forcing Jones to find a new congregation.

Two homes where Jones and his family lived in his time spent in Indianapolis’ near northside. – Photos: Ryan Hamlett

After leaving Somerset, Jones spent a short while as an associate minister at Laurel Street Tabernacle near Fountain Square, where he gathered the first few members of what would become the People’s Temple. Occasionally, Jones took the pulpit of the church at St. Clair and Park Avenue in what is now the Phoenix Theater. Later in 1954, using the profits from his door-to-door pet sales, Jones opened Indianapolis’ first interracial church at Hoyt Avenue and Randolph Street, first dubbed “Wings of Deliverance” and later renamed “Community Unity Church,” captivating his followers with his Pentecostal influenced theatrics and staged faith healings. In 1956, Jones bought his first church, a small building in the racially mixed Old Northside at 1506 North New Jersey Street. Here, Jones renamed his church once again, settling upon the “People’s Temple Full Gospel Church.”

Jones poses with a photo of his children in a Feb. 24th, 1961 Indianapolis Times article about his interracial family and church. The article makes an interesting reassurance to the reader that there is no interracial dating in Jones’ congregation. – Photo: The Indianapolis Times

Under Jones’ guidance, the People’s Temple operated soup kitchens and led canned food drives for the city’s poor, operated nursing homes and aid for the disabled and pressed for racial equality in the former hot bed of the Klu Klux Klan. Practicing what he preached, he and his wife Marceline created his “rainbow family” adopting several children of different races, including three from war-torn Korea, a Native American girl and after having one biological child of their own, became the first white couple to adopt a black child, Jimmy Jr., in 1961.

The former synagogue at 10th and Delaware Street into which the People’s Temple moved when the Indianapolis Hebrew Congregation relocated in 1958. Photo: HistoricIndianapolis Collection

As his ministry swelled, the People’s Temple expanded into their last Indianapolis home, relocating to the former synagogue of the Indianapolis Hebrew Congregation at 10th and Delaware Street. Ironically, the Rabbi who leased Jones the old synagogue, Maurice Davis, lectured and organized against fringe religious cults, specifically targeting the Unification Church led by the Reverend Sun Myung Moon. Perhaps to protect himself and his ministry from such a label, Jones sought out and was accepted into the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), a progressive denomination with abolitionist roots that may not have been fully aware of Jones’ faith healing past and domineering leadership.

Jones from his pulpit in the Peoples Temple Full Gospel Church.

In 1960, Indianapolis’ 35th Mayor, Charles Boswell (D) appointed Jones director of the Human Rights Commission where the outspoken minister helped to desegregate churches, restaurants, theaters, Riverside Amusement Park and Methodist Hospital, for which Jones was lauded by the Indianapolis Recorder, the city’s African American newspaper.

There were early signs of what was to come. Temple followers were asked to call Jones “Dad” or “Father,” were asked to consider him an incarnation of God and encouraged to spend Thanksgiving and Christmas with their Temple family rather than their biological families, to strengthen allegiance to Jones. The turning point seems to be a 1961 vision Jones had of an impending nuclear war in which Chicago, and Indianapolis by proximity, were destroyed. After a 1962 Esquire article listed Belo Horizonte, Brazil as the safest local in the event of a nuclear holocaust, Jones left his Indianapolis congregation to relocate his rainbow family to Brazil, stopping through the British colony of Guyana on his way. After a few years in South America, word came that the People’s Temple was falling apart without him and Jones returned to Indiana, sharing his vision of impending nuclear doom and convincing his followers to move en masse to northern California to avoid annihilation. With that, in 1965, dozens of Hoosiers set off to Redwood Valley, California and for some, their ultimate demise. The former temple at 10th and Delaware suffered a mysterious fire, soon after witnesses purportedly saw members of the Jones clan removing items from the premises.

There are scores of materials covering the fate of Jim Jones and the members of the People’s Temple from their 1965 exodus from Indiana until their violent deaths in Guyana in November of 1978,. Once Jones and his followers picked up and headed west, they left the historic wheelhouse pertaining to this website.

The City Prepares

Jewett and Morgan busily prepared their city for a possible incursion of influenza. Morgan informed the public about how to avoid influenza and what to do if afflicted, recommending that those with colds rest and recover lest it turn into influenza.4 At the Mayor’s request, he also instructed school officials to send home all children exhibiting symptoms of cold or influenza. Jewett ordered all gathering places to be fumigated, including hotel lobbies, theaters, railway stations, and streetcars. He implored the public to keep the city’s gathering places clean, instructed theater and motion picture house managers to eject anyone with symptoms of cold or influenza, and directed the police to enforce the anti-spitting ordinance. To carry out the latter directive, health inspectors began riding Indianapolis streetcars to check sanitation and to discourage spitting.5 Morgan and the Board of Health voted to make both compliance with the Mayor’s plan and the reporting of influenza cases mandatory.6 For the time being, Morgan assured the public that the closure of schools and public places was not necessary, but he did not preclude such action if the situation later warranted it.7

On October 5, with 78 new cases of influenza reported among Indianapolis residents, Morgan ordered the Indianapolis Traction and Terminal Company to operate city streetcars with the windows open. Likewise, he instructed teachers to do the same in their classrooms. Some questioned whether or not Morgan would close gathering places. He assured the public that he would issue a mandatory facemask order before resorting to such drastic measures.8 Twenty-four hours later, when the number of new cases jumped to nearly 200, Morgan quickly changed his stance. Quickly, he issued an order prohibiting all gatherings of five or more people, effectively closing all schools (including colleges and business schools), theaters, movie houses, and churches. He also reassigned school nurses to the local Red Cross for deployment as needed. County schools and nearby Butler College followed the city’s lead and shutdown as well. The order did not affect the important Fourth Liberty Loan drive meetings.9

On October 8, the day after the closure order was announced and with over 2,000 known civilian and military cases of influenza now in the city, Morgan extended the closure order to include poolrooms, bowling alleys, skating rinks, and “dry” beer saloons. In addition, he advised the courts to adjourn, especially in jury cases. Factories – many of them involved in production for the war effort – remained open. In large plants, sick employees were found quickly and sent home for bed rest. At Eli Lilly & Company, President J. K. Lilly announced he was maintaining a force of about 100 workers in Indianapolis and Greenfield, Indiana, to work day and night on producing large quantities of influenza vaccine.1 Three days later, to prevent rush hour crowds on streetcars, Morgan ordered staggered hours for retail stores in the city center, excluding drug and grocery stores.11

On Thursday, October 10, Morgan noted the city’s lower number of influenza and pneumonia cases – approximately 750 – but announced it was too early to contemplate lifting the ban on public gatherings.12 Secretary of the Indiana Board of Public Health Dr. Hurty was of the same mind and said the state’s public gathering bans would remain in force until at least October 20.13 Hurty also issued an order requiring influenza quarantine placards on all residences, not for absolute quarantine, but as a precaution.14 Two days later, Morgan advised Indianapolis postal workers to begin wearing masks.15 Postal workers all over the country were adopting the masks, whether mandated or not, because of the numbers of people they came into contact with on a daily basis.

Inevitably, conflict arose concerning the emergency regulations. By and large, retail and business interests cooperated with all the bans. Theater owners and employees were especially affected. By one estimate, some 300 actors and theater employees were now out of work.16 Owners of the “dry” beer saloons did not take the closure order so well, however. As one newspaper noted, saloon owners pestered Morgan day and night to be allowed to remain open.17 Though Morgan remained steadfast, six owners defied him and kept their establishments open, at least one luring in prospective patrons with music. On October 15, all six were arrested. Their attorneys claimed discrimination, since establishments like candy stores, drugstores and soda fountains were still allowed to remain open. Morgan pointed out that people tended to loiter in “dry” beer saloons, unlike these other public establishments. Nonetheless, some saloon owners continued to defy orders. Having heard that groups as large as twenty were congregating to play cards in saloons, Morgan dispatched a health inspector to break up the gatherings.18

Others found new – but legal – ways to carry out their normal business. People who formerly gathered to knit or sew for soldiers continued projects at home, aided by a copy of the October 13 edition of the Indianapolis Star, which published the knitting pattern for producing regulation Army sweaters. People campaigning for office canceled public appearances and relied instead on advertising and visits to individual voters. 19 Some clergy published their sermons in newspapers as a way to reach their congregations. In fact, with so many people cooperating and staying home on Sundays, Mayor Jewett took the opportunity to have the fire department scrub the empty downtown streets and sidewalks.20

Morgan was also mindful of the care sick people needed. He asked residents to care for those with influenza in their homes whenever possible to prevent overcrowding in the hospitals, but noted that public and private hospitals were providing isolation for all who were under their care. City Hospital, which cared for the indigent, had as many as 70 influenza cases at one point, all in isolation. Methodist Hospital reported two cases in its care, and Sister Superior at St. Vincent’s Hospital said about 25 cases were being cared for there.21 Unlike in many cities, where hospitals were quickly overrun with patients and where emergency facilities often had to be opened to care for the overflow, Indianapolis’s epidemic was yet mild enough that its healthcare infrastructure was not overly taxed. In fact, the various Red Cross appeals for volunteer nurses that appeared in the city’s newspapers almost always stated that nurses would be sent to other Indiana communities.22 When E. V. Bulleit was appointed Red Cross executive in Indiana on October 21 and set up headquarters in Indianapolis’s Old Library Building, his committee of federal, state, city and Red Cross representatives focused their greatest efforts on easing nursing gaps elsewhere in Indiana.23

The Indiana History Blog

Marino:Hello and welcome. I’m Michella Marino.

Pfeiffer:And I’m Casey Pfeiffer.

Marino:And this is Giving Voice. For today’s episode we’ll be talking with Cheryl Cooky, a professor in the School of Interdisciplinary Studies at Purdue University. Dr. Cooky teaches courses in the American Studies Program and the Women’s Gender and Sexuality Studies Program, on topics of sport, American culture, and feminism. She earned her doctorate degree from the University of Southern California in Sociology and is the co-author of the 2018 book No Slam Dunk: Gender, Sport, and the Unevenness of Social Change.

Pfeiffer:Dr. Cooky has written numerous book chapters, has been published in a wide array of academic journals and is frequently quoted in both national and international news media outlets. She is the past President of the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport and a member of the National Policy Advisory Board for the Women’s Sports Foundation. We’re so excited to speak with you today, Dr. Cooky. Thank you so much for joining us. Can you tell us a little bit about how and why you began studying uh gender and sports?

Cooky:Yeah, thank you. That’s a tough question to answer, because how I got into studying gender and sport isn’t really uh a linear narrative that I can tell, which I think will be probably a theme for this conversation today. But long story short, um I was uh undergraduate at the University of Illinois in Champaign-Urbana, had aspirations to go to medical school. Um and didn’t quite do as well as you needed to do in some of those courses, uh and realized that maybe that wasn’t the the pathway for me. Uh however, I really found myself interested in studying human movements, I thought maybe physical therapy would be a track for me. Um and over the course of my education, I came to take courses in um various disciplines related to, you know kind of sport, uh motor development, and sports psychology. Anyway, I graduate with a degree, I don’t really have uh sort of conventional career path, but I knew I loved studying. I knew I loved being a student. I knew I loved doing research, I had some opportunities to work as an assistant in some of the lab’s um at uh Illinois. And, thought maybe graduate school, might be a good route for me. And I had never really taken a class on women’s studies. I hadn’t really um thought that much about gender and gender issues, until it was uh a couple of classes that I took in my master’s program at Miami, Ohio that really got me, thinking about sport and its role in our culture and really um for me quite different ways. Um then I had either thought about before or even been socialized to think about and, you know I grew up playing sports. Um I loved being physically active. Uh my parents weren’t really that involved so I didn’t have you know the helicopter parents on the sideline going to all of my games. Um, I also grew up in a time, in uh place where um you know girls participation in sports wasn’t really valued um in the culture and in the community and in my peer group. And so, I received these very subtle messages that you know while I wasn’t necessarily being told I couldn’t play sport. I was certainly getting messages that it really didn’t matter. And so, I found myself, freshman year of high school um dropping out of sport and joining then what was then called the pom pom squad, essentially the dance team. Um, and it became sort of a supporter of men’s sports, rather than an athlete in it of my own right. And so that experience, really kind of informs um the way I think about sports, um the kinds of topics that I seek out. I’ve done some research looking at girls’ experiences in sport to see if, you know to what extent things have changed over time. To look at the ways in which kind of culture uh sends messages about women’s sports and female athleticism. And so, I think you know again, and not a nice, neat narrative, but uh sort of uh this is where I am today, I guess, you know the rest is history as we would say.

Marino:Well, that sort of segues nicely into talking about our most recent Talking Hoosier History episode, which featured the history of the South Bend Blue Sox, which was a women’s professional baseball team in the 1940s and 50s. Um, the Blue Sox were one of four original teams in the All-American Girls Professional Baseball League, and this was obviously several decades before the passage of Title IX. Um can you speak a little on the status of women’s sports generally in the early to mid-20 th century? You know, what opportunities were there for girls and women to compete?

Cooky:I that’s uh an important question to ask and I hope to communicate to the listeners that I think there’s a way in which, for those of us who don’t study history, and I’m not a historian by training, uh but certainly I think that the kind of narratives we tell around women’s sports or the stories we tell around women’s sports, are really informed by a kind of um historical lens, such that we tend to see women’s sports in uh kind of linear trajectory and sort of a progressive development of change overtime. In other words, you know I hear this all the time from my students, like oh well you know back in whenever it is were talking about right. At the turn of the 19 th or 20 th century or during World War II, or you know before Title IX girls and women didn’t play sports, girls and women didn’t have opportunities and they certainly did. Not to the extent which they do today, but I think that when we look at the turn of the 20 th century and up and through World War II, certainly girls and women were playing sports. The kinds of opportunities that they had really varied though, with respect to race, social class, the sports itself, and so um, if we look at higher education for example. Women had opportunities to participate in either competitive or non-competitive sports opportunities were happening in that space, certainly I think for women of color, black women in particular, there were different kinds of opportunities to participate in sports. Women were participating in the Olympics, although the events they participated in were certainly shaped by gender and gender ideologies. So, I think when we are looking at…Oh and I should say to, you know social class right. Women of more affluent means were uh able to participate in leisure activities like lawn sports, golf, tennis, so I think that there’s really important distinctions that we need to make when we are talking about women. Uh and scholars use the term intersectionality. Some people may have seen that in uh popular culture and media, but it’s really kind of thinking about the ways in which gender and how gender is shaping our experiences, is also informed by these other social identities and social locations.

Pfeiffer:You talking about um, you know Olympic participation and it being shaped by gender ideology and you know this certain sports that women could participate in. I mean, were there certain ones that were more acceptable for women to play or conversely sports that were highly discouraged at the time?

Cooky:The sports that uh allowed for a kind of performative adherence to conventional femininity right, so when we think about tennis, uh when we think about gymnastics for example those are that we tend to…figure skating, right. Those are sports that we tend to associate more with the kind of ascetic dimensions, which really sort of then plays into our cultural notions of femininity and feminine value being really rooted in appearance right. And that’s particularly so for white affluent women who are able to, you know achieve and uphold right those conventional notions of femininity. Basketball was a sport that was quite popular at the time um, I think that it is one of the first sports that women really kind of gained a foothold in. Certainly, the way that basketball was played at the turn of the 20 th century and you know kind of up and through the mid-20 th century, is much different than how the game is played today um we hear stories about the different rules that were implemented to take out the contact elements in the sport. So that’s the other part, right. So, one is kind of sports that emphasize the ascetics. The other piece are sports that are perceived to be not contact sports, right and so those are might be more individual sports or even team sports that are played individually. Sports like track and field for example. Um or sports that were popular at the time. This is probably the case today, but certainly scholars have written about the ways in which gridiron American football is highly gendered as masculine, although there are and have been women’s professional football leagues. Certainly, they don’t reach the sort of status or cultural uh level that the National Football League does, right but I think football is one of those sports that have really been resistant to any of the broader changes in our culture with respect to um increasing uh acceptance of female athleticism and women’s sports participation.

Marino:There’s a lot of things I’d like to talk about that you just said in there, but particularly you know you just used that word acceptance and there is this misconception that women you know haven’t been playing sports through much of the you know late 19 th and 20 th century. And of course, as you note that’s not the case um sports were in fact modified for women or were sort of channeled into appropriate sports for women, um but often time when we’re talking about women’s sports of course you always hear about Title IX and that being sort of this landmark or watershed moment for women’s sports. So, I was wondering if you could just tell us a little bit about what Title IX was and how it alters the landscape for women’s athletics.

Cooky:So, Title IX is federal legislation that was passed in 1972 that essentially says that any educational institution that receives federal funding cannot discriminate on the basis of sex. So, often we associate Title IX with athletics and certainly the legislation had a really visible impact in terms of as you said kind of shifting the landscape for women’s sports and women’s sports participation, but Title IX itself doesn’t specify or isn’t exclusive to athletics and in fact pertains to any um educational opportunity that is apart of uh higher education or part of the high school educational experience right. So, that you can’t um you can’t have a club that would not allow girls or women to be members of that club. I think Title IX over time has expanded um into thinking about the ways in which things like sexual harassment and sexual assault can impact educational experiences, but really Title IX is about expanding opportunities for um for the underrepresented sex and in this case girls and women right. So, what Title IX did within the scope of athletics was to dramatically expand opportunities, such that the year prior to Title IX’s passage 1 out of every 27 girls participated in high school sports. Today, its I think its 1 out of ever 2.5 girls are participating in high school sports. Uh, its certainly had a significant impact in terms of expanding participation opportunities at the collegiate level as well. Title IX also applied to things like uh resources um and the quality of opportunity so its not just about giving girls and women a spot on a team, but its also about ensuring that that team has the resources to…you know access to practice fields, it has a team bus. It has um uh coach, the coach is paid. If it’s a scholarship sport, that the athletes are getting proportional amounts of scholarships and so on. So, I think for me what Title IX did was twofold, one was to expand opportunities right and that was really the intent of the law and then we had this sort of corresponding change that happened along with that when you get girls and women, now having the legal right to access to opportunities that comes with a sort of shift and change in the culture and so on a mass level, what we saw was an increasing acceptance of girls and women in sport and female athleticism. This didn’t happen overnight, it didn’t happen whole sale um its certainly an issue that we’re confronting, even today, but it definitely shifted the landscape so that the idea that girls and women shouldn’t be playing sport was really challenged in very powerful ways.

Pfeiffer:Yeah, I think that that is a great way to phrase it and you know I think we can all agree that obviously there’s been so much forward progress uh, so many gains made in women’s sport um, since Title IX passed in 1972, uh but their still is a lot of discussion, you know particularly through the end of the 20 th century around this idea of apologetic or compensatory behavior for women athletes. Can you explain a little bit what that means for women athletes and how they’ve had to navigate social expectations surrounding athletics even in this post Title IX period?

Cooky:Sure, so the female apologetic is a term that was coined I believe by uh uh a historian um in the early 1970s to describe the ways in which, girl and women athletes have to sort of um navigate the gendered expectations of sport, with the gendered, broader gendered expectations of the culture. So, one of the really important things to understand about sport when were talking about gender and sport, um gender and history and sport, is that sport in the United States in terms of its modern development in the 20 th century, was really uh uh, served a really important cultural function of socializing, young men and and boys and young men into what scholars call hegemonic masculinity or dominant forms of masculinity. So that during the great social upheavals, at the turn of the 20 th century increased urbanization, industrialization, the expansion of education, all of these really fundamental social changes that were happening, were accompanied with a kind of so called crisis of masculinity, right, and so you know sort of long story short, sport is an institutional space by which our culture invests in the sort of maintenance of masculinity that’s kind of built on physicality, dominance, competitiveness, aggression, assertiveness, and so on. We know though that sort of broadly speaking those qualities and characteristics which are essentially human characteristics are highly gendered and gendered as masculine. So you take this institutional and cultural space of sport, which is really sort of steeped in these hegemonic understandings of masculinity and you put girls and women into that space. Right, and so there is this kind of conflicting message between the expectations that are required of girls and women on the playing field and the expectations for girls and women off the field and those expectations are not incongruence, as is the case with male athletes right, there’s actually a conflict. And so, the female apologetic, describes the ways that girls and women navigate those right and so there’s this cultural pressure, whether sort of real or perceived for girls and women to then really emphasize and highlight femininity. Right, so it’s through clothing, it’s through playing style, it’s through appearance and sort of portrayals um the roles that girls and women play on the field and off the field that then, sort of say I might be really tough and competitive and aggressive when I’m on the field, um but I’m gonna wear my hair in a ponytail. I’m gonna have long fingernails, I’m gonna wear uh you know are uniforms are gonna be such that they show that we are women or girls on the field. Were gonna have short skirts, were gonna have tight fitted jerseys, were gonna have short shorts, right to kind of show off our our bodies in ways that appeal to compulsory heterosexuality. And then off the field, I’m going to appear seminude in a photoshoot in a magazine. I’m gonna be, you know make sure I go out with my boyfriend or my husband, I’m gonna highlight in kind of the media things that I do. I’m gonna highlight that I’m a mother that I have children right and the media kind of plays into that. And that’s really, I think, sort of encapsulates the female apologetic. I think what’s important here though for me as a sociologist is to sort of think about agency. And so, its not that you know, that there are these cultural pressures, but certainly individual athletes have agency to either conform to those cultural pressures or resist those cultural pressures. So, I think female athletes particularly in this moment are much more able and willing to assert their own agency and to construct a kind of public image that may in fact actually run counter to what we would associate with conventional femininity or or the female apologetic and the increased visibility of lesbian athletes, I think is a great example of that. The increased visibility of athletes who are um embracing kind of more what we would call androgenous modes of appearance, I think is another way in which female athletes, women athletes are kind of resisting the hyper sexualization in sports. Um, we just saw that with the German gymnastics team, you know sort of resistant to wearing leotards and wearing the unitard instead. And so, I think that’s um, a really important point to acknowledge that those cultural pressures might exist, but athletes themselves have agency to either conform or resist.

Marino:Well, that’s really interesting because I mean I think, in a lot of ways this female apologetic, or this apologetic behavior has been going on even pre-Title IX of course as we saw in our episode with the South Bend Blue Sox, but you know continued at least through my time playing sports in the 90s and 2000s and I think you still do see it somewhat in sport today, but as you note, you know individual players and athletes do have that agency to make that decision and I think in some ways, you know are supported when they resist and pushback against that too. So, I think our final question here is what else needs to be done to sort of level the playing field for female athletes?

Cooky:Oh my gosh, so much work needs to be done (Laughs). That could be a whole other episode in it of itself, but I know we don’t have a whole lot of time. You know I think what’s important that I would want to communicate is, I think that there are ways in which many of the issues and problems and challenges that girls and women face at the beginning of the 20 th century are not that different than the issues that girls and women face at the beginning of the 21 st century. Certainly, there’s been a tremendous amount of change over that time frame, but there’s ways in which women I think still occupy a second-class status in sport. And so, you know I could talk more about the really important gains that we’ve made and the changes that we’ve seen and we talked a little bit about that with Title IX, but I think certainly the distribution of resources, um weather those are economic resources, whether that is cultural resources in the form of media attention and media coverage that is certainly an area that needs to be addressed. We talked about Title IX earlier and Title IX is important and has expanded opportunities, but when we look at all those resources and the quality of opportunities. What we find is that most institutions in higher education and in high schools as well do not comply with Title IX. In the sense of those resources, so certainly I think um expanding the investment uh economic investment and girls and women’s sports is important and I think the other piece that I’ll say here that I also think needs to be addressed and your podcast is helping to do that right, is to you know increase visibility of girls and women’s sports, within sort of the cultural discourse and within media spaces and so you know having the opportunity to learn about women’s sports um and to do so in consistent ways, I think is gonna go a long way in terms of hopefully seeing some real shifts and changes uh in the culture over the next 100 years. I think the other piece that I also want to say here, you know we needed to think about changing the way we think about gender in our society. Um, and I think that the issue of trans athlete participation um is really going to bring forward a number of really important conversations around the sex segregated nature of sports. Um and I think that’s uh really important space and potential for change uh as well.

Pfeiffer:Excellent, well this has been fantastic I think it’s a great follow up to our um most recent episode of Talking Hoosier History and I feel like what you said in terms of just sharing this information. Women have been participating in sports for well over 100 years and they will continue to participate in finding those opportunities for them too, uh whether it is, you know in terms of access, just making sure that those gains continue to be made, but really appreciate you sharing your insight with us today and really taking the time to talk with us.

Cooky:Thank you so much for having me its been a pleasure.

Marino:Yeah, thank you Cheryl. We appreciate it.

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